Battlegrounds of “Good”: the Cold War and its ideological aftermath in American activism

It’s 2015, and American Capitalism has won.

President Obama shakes hands with Cuban President Raul Castro, announcing the end of a 53-year embargo.
PABLO MARTINEZ MONSIVAIS/AP

Last Friday, President Obama shook hands with Cuban President Raul Castro, announcing the end of a 53-year-old embargo that has punished, for more than half a century, this small Caribbean country for its Communist sympathies and its Cold War alliance with the USSR.

Much of this punishment has probably been unnecessarily harsh. After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, it was already clear that America had won. The Soviet Union crumbled from the inside, and had been crumbling all along. Secrets were spilled of the horrors of Soviet gulags, of how China’s Great Leap Forward left maybe 18 million, maybe 32.5 million, people falling backwards into their graves – and very quickly, the hippie glow of ideal Communism, crumbled into disillusionment. That idealism, which caused quite the Red Scare in the 60s, now seems like a silly thing to have been so worried about.

After all, according to the leading neoliberal doctrine of our day, any tampering of the state in markets leads to inefficiencies, so the best thing to do is to leave well enough alone, and let corporations maximize their “comparative advantage” by dutifully pursuing their self-interest, for the greater profit of all. (Signed with love, Milton)

Freedom has been America’s mantra – free markets and political freedoms – “they hate us for our freedoms,” we declared, even as we marched our troops into Baghdad and Kabul. Dictatorship is the great enemy. Communism,  which is necessarily autocratic, must be contained and defeated, lest it spread like a disease across the planet. We quarantined Cuba like a disease, injected our American medicine by night into Nicaragua and Guatemala, thrashed about feverishly in the juggles of Vietnam, and when that proved to be unwise, we conjured up a much more potent medicine: financial loans and economic doctrines, direct from Chicago to Chile, the institutionalization of “development” and the popularization of “human rights.”

The idea of “human rights” arose in the afterglow of blitz-torn battlefields, and like much of Europe, was sponsored with the American seal of approval, and budgeted in with the Marshall Plan.
As long-suffering heroes like Vaclav Havel took leadership after decades of war-torn trauma, there was a weariness against more bloodshed over ideology; rather, human rights were supposed to be “non-ideological.” That is, they do not challenge class hierarchies or global inequalities. The predominant focus of Human Rights doctrine has always been about “indisputable” political and civil liberties of the “American freedom” variety, not the more controversial economic or socio-cultural demands for equitable distribution of wealth (which sounds way too much like “ideological” Communism, God forbid.)

last utopiaAccording to historian Samuel Moyn, in his book The Last Utopia, the rise of human rights also signaled the fall of utopic Communism. Human rights takes on the voice of universalism, and claims to have roots in the humanist ideals of the Enlightenment. Some historians, such as Micheline Ishay, claim that the basis for human rights, the idea of a common moral code for all humankind, is seen in every civilization, from Babylon to China to the U.S. Constitution. Yet according to Moyn, this claim to universalism is a reconstruction of “human rights,” which would be better understood in historical context, as a Western (American-led) response to the challenges of the Cold War and the World Wars, which more than anything took predominance during the Carter administration’s diplomatic efforts abroad. The seemingly “neutral” language of human rights is now the dominant vocabulary for justice work across the globe, replacing other vocabularies for justice such as Marxism and anti-colonialism / anti-imperialism. While this language is useful in articulating political oppression and empowering marginalized people to stand up against the state, it is also important to take note of where the language of human rights is less effective, in challenging corporations and economic inequality. Moyn warns us that it is important to consider what other utopic visions have been replaced by the dominant vocabulary of “human rights.”

Human rights plays so nicely with money-based solutions like “corporate social responsibility” and “social entrepreneurship.” Like the investment side of global Capitalism, human rights crosses borders and functions internationally, bringing attention to  wrong-doings of the state to be judged before the international community of the United Nations. It prioritizes the rights of the individual, and can serve as a powerful platform for individuals to raise complaints against their own governments before a global audience. It also empowers wealthy countries to send Non-Governmental Organizations to do a kind of missionary work that weaker states seem to fail at supplying. It accomplishes all this with the pristine halo of “non-ideological” and indisputable charity.

However, charity is a gift with strings attached. A charitable organization relies on an unequal relationship between the giver and the receiver, wherein the receiver is indebted to the giver. Nonprofits reliant on philanthrocapitalism and the current do-gooder ecosystem of grant-giving foundations, are ever in the service of paying gratitude. In this system of service provision, as money trickles down from top to bottom, from the first world to the rest of the world, from corporations to the poor – leaving a trail of expensive human rights conferences, fat salaries, hotel rooms and all-inclusive breakfasts –  there is a cookie trail, with the ones closest to the money grabbing the biggest crumbs. In this trickle-down model of social change, grassroots movement-building is coopted by saviors with expensive backpacks. As voluntary mutual aid and neighborhood associations become professionalized, and plugged into the ecology of philanthrocapitalism, they become reliant upon an elite system for resources and legitimacy, and become less and less able to challenge that system in any meaningful way.

American Capitalism has won by bribing all its opponents into sweet submission. However, not everyone is taking the bait. The Revolution Will Not Be Funded

In America, human rights is not the only vocabulary for social justice. The other, more radical, vocabulary that has been gaining power in the U.S. is the vocabulary of People of Color (POC) Feminism and queer theory – not the gilded, superficial snarkiness of corporate feminism, but the kind of feminism led by women of color, which challenges the American enterprise from within: its for-profit prison system, its racially segregated underclass of low-wage workers, its educational inequality as systemic oppression, and its corrupt electoral system of sham-democracy and corporate rent-seeking.

POC feminism, the second most dominant vocabulary of justice in the U.S., provides a stronger connection to other vocabularies of popular movements rooted in the global South: the anti-imperalist and nationalist movements of Latin American and Africa in the 1950s, and the Marxist ideas of class struggle and economic oppression. However, it also has its points of weakness in the conundrums of “strategic essentialism,” the impossibility of true “representation” in identity politics, and the reinforcement of essential oppressions linked by definition to groups of people who selectively benefit from affirmative action policies. Like many other theoretical systems of thought, the academic language of feminism takes an elite form, and is most often propagated among students in wealthy private colleges, rather than rising more organically out of the lived experience of working people. The anti-Capitalist idealism of this language often contradicts the day-to-day resource needs of working people, who are beholden to the monetary system for survival. Given the dominance of neoliberal Capitalism, it is usually more pragmatic for activists to speak the language of economic policy than the language of radical theory. However, selling out entirely to the language of philanthrocapitalism in the name of “pragmatism” also feels like it is not demanding enough – and the structural injustice of racist criminal law and asymmetrical trade agreements require much stronger demands for change. What language should I use, and when?

As a Chinese-born immigrant, growing up in New York City public housing, I am one of the lucky recipients of selective non-profit aid from an affirmative action organization called Prep for Prep, which took me out of an underfunded public school and placed me on scholarship in an elite private school. Prep for Prep is often critiqued for selectively helping a few students out of an unjust educational system, and assuaging the guilt of a few private schools and universities that recruit from this small pool of the “privileged poor,” but failing to challenge the greater system, or devote its resources to improving public education for all.

While I agree with this critique of Prep for Prep, I am also grateful for the enormous gift that this nonprofit brought to me. That said, due to this unearned gift, my self-definition has been strongly shaped from a very young age by attempts to rationalize that gift – which required believing firmly in the narratives of “strategically essential” identity. I needed to believe in structural racism in order to feel justified in taking the scholarship I was given in compensation. I needed to believe in racism to feel entitled to receive special help. And now that I have received this help, I need to believe that my body and my life can be an instrument towards fighting that racism, so that the investment in me will not have been in vain.

During high school, I participated heavily in radical Asian American activist groups, whose “political consciousness education” programming for youth took the code name of “leadership development” – which seemed to me at the time like a necessary boost for college applications. This leftist “political education” involved inculcating Marxist and feminist ideas of oppressor/oppressed binaries along a spectrum of categories, from race, gender and class, to age, ability, and sexuality – all in rather reductionist terms.

Thus, without really knowing it, I was recruited from a very young age into a long-standing political battle rooted in the previous century, between an increasingly neoliberal American state and a handful of NYC people of color organizations, still fighting the good fight of a rapidly weakening Marxist left.

My life has been so strongly shaped by the messaging of these organizations, and the impact of affirmative action policies on my education, that it is difficult, at times, for me to question the primacy of  identity politics. When I entered college, I felt a strong sense of duty to “give back” to my community. The first place I looked to “do Good” was the Earth Institute at Columbia University, and its director, Jeffrey Sachs, whose Millenium Development goals at the UN seemed like an unerringly “Good” path. Yet, no sooner was I introduced to the ideas of Sachs, I was confronted with equally enthusiastic criticism against Sachs for his “White Man’s Burden” attitude towards economic development, and his previous failings doling out “shock therapy” in Russia while working for the IMF.

Suffice it to say, I was so confused by the contradiction between the “economic development” view on doing good in the world via charitable “social entrepreneurship”, and the “radical” anti-Capitalist and “critical race theory” view on social justice, which demanded power not charity. I knew that I wanted to dedicate myself towards doing meaningful work in service of making things better for people in some way, but after my first year of college, I had no idea which was the “right” direction to turn. I was left thoroughly cynical and disillusioned by these competing vocabularies of justice.

At this point in my life, I lean left towards the second, more radical mode of thinking – not just Keynesian economics, but a kind of Naomi Klein shock doctrine of disaster Capitalism and an Audre Lorde prescription about not using the Master’s tools…

I am currently training to be a community organizer through a program that emphasizes “capacity-building” rather than service delivery. The mission of the program is “to create a just and equitable society and the diverse leadership to sustain it.” This is a bold mission towards equity, which seeks to support movement-building that challenges existing power structures, so that “diverse” and historically marginalized groups of people in this country can lead structural change.

As a prison abolitionist and an advocate for open borders and migrant labor rights, I am a firm believer right now in the importance of structural change that is led by a strong populist base – one that goes beyond the superficial charity of heroic nonprofits led by privileged white philanthropists. That said, I am not without fear of the tragedies of history – of the mistakes of Communism and the great human cost of populist struggles in the last century. I am afraid of causing harm upon the “everyday” poor people who want merely to live “regular” lives, work hard and raise families – who are not interested in activism, and whose beliefs are not well represented by the “activists” who claim to speak for them. Often, I am afraid of the reductive and alienating nature of identity politics, and disgusted by the hypocrisy of “minority elites” who self-appoint to represent their communities without truly connecting to their base. Even more so, I am afraid of usurping the voices of already silenced peoples, and exposing these people to risk in the face of entrenched oppression, against powerful interests which can do unthinkable violence upon their opponents. I am afraid of the retaliation of the oligarchic superclass, not for my own sake because I seem to have already resigned myself to the life of being a pawn for the movement that created me – but for the “everyday” people who should not have to suffer from the failure of our movement, should we fail. And of course, as history indicates, populist movements fail often and fail tragically.

I am afraid of bloodshed. I am not a militant. I recognize that the world we live in is a mix of Capitalism and socialism, and it is complex and never “pure.” I recognize the troubling failures of theory to capture that complexity, and I recognize that real social change must be done slowly and steadily, or people will get hurt in the process. I want to build alternatives for living in community within the dominant system – nurturing spaces that heal people, and valorizes all the qualities of human life that are undervalued under neoliberalism. I want to do this without becoming isolationist in my utopianism, and without neglecting the bigger picture of pushing for greater structural change for all people outside my immediate community.

And what role could I hope to serve in this movement-building? What should my work be? Prep for Prep left me in the trenches of No Man’s Land, between the rich and the poor, neither elite nor underprivileged. I am well-educated, and I have grown up with personal connections to some very wealthy and powerful people and institutions. I am a banana, more American than Chinese, and even though I grew up poor in public housing, my educational privilege makes me feel separated from other people in my neighborhood. Though my parents have worked in restaurant work and domestic work, I personally do not feel I can speak for the working poor, since even though I live below the poverty line now, I still feel privileged to be paid to organize.

Rinku Sen

Writer and activist Rinku Sen of Colorlines wrote in the first chapter of her book, Stir It Up: Lessons in Community Organizing and Advocacy, that in order for the left to revitalize itself, there needs to be considerable base-building among the working poor, accompanied by supportive intellectual work:

“The most important goal is increasing our organizing to build new constituencies of progressive activists among people in the most desperate straights. Such direct action organizing needs to be accompanied by substantial research and media capacity – intellectual resources…Our increased intellectual capacity should allow us to reframe key debates and influence public opinion….Progressives need to take a lesson from the New Right – its disciplined organizing, attention to ideas, willingness to lose battles in order to win the war, apparent unity in messages and political goals….Regaining that ground requires that progressive organizers turn their attention to ideological work without delay in order to articulate a set of values that will help win back the constituencies that are rapidly losing to the right.”

Although I love organizing, cherish my one-on-one relationships, and value bringing people together by creating warm, nurturing community spaces – I am, above all, a bookish person, who is more introverted than extroverted. I feel better suited to providing what Rinku Sen calls “intellectual support for movement-building,” rather than inserting myself directly into identity-based organizations that are composed of people “in the most desperate straights,”or claiming membership among the working poor.  I never feel “representative” enough, even (and especially) as a sex worker and former domestic worker / restaurant worker / dabbler in construction work – though I think often about what it means to be a good ally. Somehow, the politics of self-advocacy sometimes seems for me too reductive and dangerously narrow, though I defend its use for others. When it comes to community organizing, as much as I believe that people need to organize “for themselves,” I am also wary of falling into the double-think trap of “strategic essentialism.” I strongly believe that the role of a community organizer is to put others before her/himself, to build platforms for direct advocacy, but then to take a step back by focusing on supporting others. The ultimate work of community organizing is to make your organizing redundant and your organization no longer necessary; and not to leech on to the problem like so many NGO’s do. In my work as a community organizer, I want to stay behind the scenes as much as possible, and serve with as little ego as possible. While I acknowledge how impossible this goal is in practice, given the way campaigns are strategized from both top-down and bottom-up, I think it is important for a community organizer to try their best to minimize their “self” (or, as they say in post-gonzo journalism, be as fair and “objective” as possible, while acknowledging your “standpoint” and the limitations of your fleshly lens) – even while you actively support the primacy of self-advocacy for others.

After all, strategic essentialism is a tool, and we must never forget that this tool was built to be temporary, and even with the moderating efforts of intersectional theory, this analytical tool could become a gravestone instead – a ceiling for progress – when it takes on the identity of the oppressed with a definitive permanence.

In general, I would prefer to do the capacity-building work of technological, media and research-based, archival and analytical support – that could benefit the people who are organizing for change, according to their own experiential analysis, and I am committed to doing so without the self-serving ego of academia, which so often coopts community knowledge without giving anything back. In my activism, I would like to serve as a good librarian of sorts, like Che Gossett with IT skills, operating quietly outside the system, striving to build resources and infrastructure for nurturing spaces, but never to dominate them.

Here we are, at the height of a second industrial revolution, driven by the World Wide Web, and the world is ripe with possibility – we can be guided by the wisdom of history, and we can use history to disentangle the myths that have been naturalized, but we don’t have to be tied down by history or limited to the analyses of the past. In the words of historian Yuval Noah Harari, socialism was the biggest idea of the last century, and the reason why socialism was so impactful was that it was rooted in the present – it provided much needed analysis for all the technological changes of the day, during the industrial revolution, and it provided a vision for people based on present possibilities. Today however, I feel that many socialists are weighed down by analyses of the past, by an outdated sense of what class struggle and Marxist labor organizing ought to look like. But like a classic Marxist, I believe that technology is key in determining the relations of production, and the possibilities for resource creation and distribution, for movement-building and strategizing power, for staying relevant and navigating the unique challenges of our planet now. That is why I want to focus on technology and information – to ever be working towards harnessing these forces as a resource for popular movement-building and social justice.

https://soundcloud.com/intelligence2/yuval-noah-harari-on-themyths-we-need-to-survive

buckminster fuller
In a time of great technological change, when people’s jobs are rapidly replaced by machines, we need to divorce ourselves from the notion that people must do menial work in order to have a right to survive – there must be a movement for basic income – housing should be a human right, rather than merely a commodity to be traded on. In the face of enhanced reproductive technology, there needs to be a movement for changing family structures and restrictive gender roles. When there is enough food production and resources in the world for all people to live fulfilling lives without having to pay for it with “the sweat from their brow,” we need to abolish our antiquated ideas of “work” as tied to money, and money as tied to housing and food and economic survival, especially when unnecessary production in the name of economic growth occurs at the cost of environmental degradation – all to serve the orthodoxy of neoliberal economic doctrine even at its dangerous and irrational limits.

Capitalism has played a positive role in some ways, by incentivizing some technologies that have brought humanity to a place of greater material wealth and human welfare/health. To argue otherwise would be obtusely dogmatic. However this wealth is not evenly distribute and many people are suffering more than ever before. Now we need to work towards equity and the non-material, non-economic values of wellness, community/friendship, and artistic expression in peoples’ lives.

That said, here I am, at the height of this second industrial revolution – and I’m manically typing away, in isolation, on my MacBook Pro, even though I know the NSA could be watching, and even while I’m aware of all the Orwellian dangers, how Big Brother harvests my click-habits into the data warehouses of “evil marketing corporations” – how we are all slowly selling our souls, click by click, into the inevitable Matrix, wherein one day, our merciful robot overlords will drown us in virtual reality and exploit our brains for (very inefficient) battery power. Or something like that… I understand that technology is likely to be our greatest tool and greatest oppression. Nevertheless, I slothfully submit to my web-oppressors because the data privacy apps on Firefox are far too complicated or inconvenient, and I am not a savvy Linux user / cool hax0r bro, so I don’t even trust my own use of these tools most of the time; or maybe I’m just cynical. Or maybe, it’s because the dystopia I live in feels more Brave New World than 1984, which really just doesn’t seem all that bad yet, right now. And probably, when I’m done writing this post, I’ll share it on Twitter or Reddit, since my personal “soma” feels a bit like the dopamine rush of a Facebook notification, the ping of a Twitter mention, the upwardly mobile stats of a WordPress chart.

American Capitalism is winning hard – so much that even as we say “the revolution will not be funded,” we are simultaneously demanding that organizers be properly compensated for their work and their time. We are simultaneously critical of, and reliant upon, this “nonprofit industrial complex” – the Master’s tools; the hand that feeds, and becomes us.

I don’t know how to “create the revolution” or if revolution is truly what we need. What I do know is that there is no simple solution along ideological lines – that all solutions require material resources and fallible human energy, and all strategies must be tested and improved in particular contexts by particular people – I am not afraid of mathematics or scientific methodology (nor do I believe these are essentially “gendered” or “Capitalist” in any intellectually honest way – sorry feminist epistemology!) I am anti-theory and pro-empiricism when it comes to social change.

Most of all, I don’t believe in being manipulated to fight on the old battlefields of past generations, using old frameworks that may no longer apply, revering old gods or canonized prophets, playing for power at the price of people’s lives – Let the Communist Revolution and the Cold War pass now, in peace – I will not fight an army of ghosts, or spectres.

I am committed to the living.

Celebrating Malcolm and Yuri: on cross-coalition organizing in the 21st Century

Cross-Coalition Movement Building in the 21st Century – at the Maysles Documentary Center in Harlem

What does it mean to be a good “ally”? More importantly, what does it mean to be sisters and brothers in arms? To struggle alongside others and be a worthy companion? To be engaged together in the same movement against the same global oppressions?

I was moved by the words of panelist Zulu Nation member Queen Benyu Maa’t:

“We need a paradigm shift from revolutionary politics to programs in our own community for self-determination…Things that are concrete and doable now…Just do the work…Withdraw from playing reactionary politics every time they do something because they will keep upping the ante. We need to have a different focus now. There’s something other than hitting the street running. Love is just as powerful a force. I wish we can tap into that. That is our power…. We’re all facing the same mess. We may look different, but we’re all dealing with the same struggles. Let me see more of you in me. Our fight is one and the same – there is no difference.”

panel

For Queen Benyu Maa’t, the reactionary politics that she is talking about is the riots around Ferguson. While mass demonstrations like these, and the coalition-building around Akai Gurley, have been critical in raising the national consciousness around issues of state violence against communities of color – there is also a need for us to create community-based solutions now, safe outside the system, rather than continue to invest power in state institutions and carceral politics.

Gabriel Kilpatrick (Secretary of the Guillermo Morales-Assata Shakur Center/CCNY) responded to a question about whether revolutionary politics is still relevant today with this answer:

“You can’t be violent against a state, against such overwhelming power…I believe in standing firm and being smart as well….It’s common knowledge that strengthens us.”

How can we practice smart resistance in solidarity with one another? The kind of community-based solutions that will not be appropriated by the state and used against us? Ruben An, a community organizer from CAAAV Organizing Asian Communities, spoke about rethinking violence – from criminalization of individuals and communities, to state violence and economic violence. Rethinking assimilation. Assimilation to whom? Thinking beyond our own communities, and beyond assimilation.

I am inspired by the lifelong activism of Malcolm X and Yuri Kochiyama, and the way they worked together to build a common understanding of Asian and African / African-American struggle. Malcolm X reached out to Kochiyama’s family while they were in Japanese internment camps, and he took an early stand against the war in Vietnam. Recognizing the revolutionary potential of the Third World within, Malcolm X said: “Vietnam is the struggle of all Third World nations – the struggle against imperialism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism.”

Yuri Kochiyama wrote about this in a newsletter for CAAAV:

 

kochiyamaquote

 

She also spoke these words that light up my heart:

“The movement is contagious and the people in it are the ones who pass on that spirit – because of that, it makes you always want to be part of it.”

Continuing in her legacy, her granddaughter Akemi Kochiyama, a teacher at a progressive school who regards her daily work as inspiring a new generation of activists said:

“Be good listeners. Build bridges, not walls.”

Being a better listener: that is what I am taking away from this event. But beyond listening and supporting, being an ally means taking action to win real change, and get justice and equality for people who are faced with the most oppression in their daily lives. I am inspired by Kochiyama’s dedication to alliance-building with the Black Panthers and Young Lords, helping to form the National Committee for the Defense of Political Prisoners. She was politicized through her own people’s struggles in the Japanese internment camps, but through that politicization, she did not focus only on the struggles of Asian Americans, but recognized that the oppression of racism is one shared with African Americans and Latin Americans – influenced by the thinking of Malcolm X, Kochiyama recognized that our common struggle is one of neo-imperialism and global economic injustice, and she dedicated herself to the work required in that common struggle.

“We never viewed her as an outsider,” said a friend and fellow activist of Kochiyama, “She’s part of the pattern in the fabric of her community.” What a compliment that is!

As an activist, I’ve taken a much needed break away this year from sex worker rights, mainly because I recognize that in North America, the dominant voice calling for rights has been led by white, middle class, liberal feminists, whose liberatory sexual politics are wonderful, but often lack an analysis of economic and racial inequality. How can we fight criminalization without fighting alongside the people who are most criminalized in this country? I’ve decidedly moved away from mainstream sex worker organizing in the U.S. context towards anti-criminalization and the movement against mass incarceration and militarized policing. I want to be a better “ally” – and that is a title that is earned through action, not words. It means giving my time and energy to being fully in support of that work, not because I want them to recognize my own struggles as a sex worker, but because it is the right thing to do.

“I will challenge with every step. I will challenge with every breath. My life is my power.”

coalitionkochiyamamalcolm

Concluding this post with three zines on how to be an ally:

  1. “Accomplices Not Allies: Abolishing the Ally Industrial Complex – An Indigenous Perspective” (IndigenousAction.org) PDF
  2. “So you want to be an ally! A zine on anti-oppression, allyship, and being a less shitty person” (Wombat Cascadia) PDF
  3. “Creating the Coop We Want…Creating the World We Want: an ally’s guide to fostering anti-oppression in housing cooperatives, collectives, and democratic communities” (NASCO) PDF

SWOP-USA also has numerous links to resources on how to be an ally to sex workers, including this PDF on how to be an ally to street-based sex workers.

MISERY to MINISTRY: Kathryn Griffin’s Prostitution Rehab in Texas

kathryn griffin

“I know that I was not created to be a prostitute or a drug addict,” said Kathryn Griffin, the founder of a Texas reform program for incarcerated sex workers, “but because this entered into my life, I learned how to turn this misery into a ministry that covers all levels.”

In the Harris County Jail of Houston, Texas, recovered drug addict and former street-based sex worker Griffin has found a captive audience for her stories of redemption. Selecting 18 to 20 women at a time for her 90-day rehabilitationprogram, Griffin says that the mission of the program is to help “victims of prostitution, drug abuse, and/or sex trafficking” to “build self-esteem” and re-establish “healthy” relationships with men, so they can “clean up” their lives.

Running on only $40,000 a year, over 30 women have been court-sentenced into Griffin’s taxpayer-supported “diversion” program since January, and only one or two women are known to have relapsed so far. But it is still too soon to see the long-term effectiveness of this program.

The women in the program are hesitant about sharing personal details, but Griffin pushes them to confess in what she believes to be a safe, non-judgmental space with peers. “To get well, you got to tell,” she has the women repeat after her. The inmates sing in unison through their tears, and clap their hands. “I am your recovery coach,” Griffin promises them – in a video exposéwith the Texas Tribune and the New York Times, Griffin delivers her sermon to her hand-selected “victims,” who, according to the New York Times, “can not be freed until they release the filth of their pasts.”

“What made me decide [to come here]?” said one of the women in Griffin’s program, who agreed to be in the video, “You decided” – she points to Griffin and laughs, jokingly.

The daughter of a songwriter, who still earns royalties from the songs her father has written for Marvin Gaye, Kathryn Griffin is not to be confused with the self-proclaimed “D-List celebrity” comedian, who had a reality TV show on Bravo about scheming to climb up the Hollywood ladder. This Houston-based Kathryn Griffin became addicted to cocaine 30 years ago, while on tour with R&B singer Rick James. To support her drug habit, she sold sexual services on the street, a lifestyle that she now regrets. After completing over two dozen drug treatment programs, and seeing what works and what doesn’t work, Griffin has stopped using cocaine for 10 years, and now speaks to others in the language of rehabilitation.

Griffin has been through much personal struggle, and it’s certainly admirable how she has changed her own circumstances. But with her Christian moral values at the forefront of her engagement with incarcerated sex workers, she broadcasts a loud and tough message of reform, which is targeted at “victims” of prostitution, and is certainly not for everyone. Her experiences with drugs and street-based sex work are not representative of everyone’s experience in the sex trade.

[Read the full article, originally printed here, on Slixa.]

While volunteering at the Houston City Hall, Griffin befriended then City Councilman Adrian Garcia, who has since become the Harris County Sheriff. With his help, Griffin has lobbied to push through legislation to create mandatory prostitution courts with a focus on rehabilitation, which is being implemented this year in other counties throughout Texas. Jurisdictions across the country from Seattle to New York are now paying attention to her “diversion” strategies.

However, there is very little research that indicates that prostitution diversion programs have been successful in the United States. With high recidivism rates and a lack of long-term support for program graduates, these programs often fail to focus on the main underlying reasons why people turn to prostitution: poverty, lack of desirable employment alternatives, lack of adequate or stable housing, and sometimes drug addiction and psychological illness. It is not “lack of self-esteem,” but rather lack of funds that entices people into sex work. Being neuroatypical limits people from employment in other jobs, and an expensive drug habit makes the black market of sex work more appealing than other jobs with equally low barriers to entry.

In a 2006 study on a prostitution diversion program in Salt Lake City, researcher Stephanie Wahab concluded that the greatest benefits of the program for its participants are firstly, the opportunity to avoid incarceration and expunge prostitution charges from criminal records; secondly, the unintended consequence of creating a community space for sex workers to share emotional support with one another; and thirdly, harm reduction and rights-based counselling along with referrals to other legal, financial, and medical services.

Griffin’s moralistic reform program does not seem to prioritise any of these proven benefits.

By taking on an individual-blaming tone of sin and reformation, mixed with a merciful “second chance” mantra, Griffin’s tactic of condemnation, confession, and redemption has strong religious parallels. The forced confession that Griffin pushes program participants to do, in the name of “sharing” in a safe space, can also be extremely exploitative. Furthermore, this rhetoric emphasises individual reform rather than address the structural inequalities and social institutions related to street-based sex work. More importantly, it does not question why sex workers are incarcerated to begin with, or question the additional harms that criminalisation brings.

Griffin’s program participants are filtered through a justice system that conducts discriminatory arrests of street-based workers, the most marginalised and most vulnerable of sex workers. More than 80% of arrests for prostitution in the United States and Canada are of street-based workers, who constitute less than an estimated 20% of total sex workers; these are more often people of colour, immigrants, the homeless, people using drugs, and the poor. Therevolving door of criminalisation makes it more difficult for these people to attain employment alternatives after completing their sentences, especially if their criminal records are not expunged by certain diversion programs that are designed for this purpose. Griffin’s program, which takes place inside the prison system, rather than as an alternative to incarceration, is not created in this restorative justice model.

As a reformed drug user and former sex worker, Griffin is given the spotlight as the spokeswoman for others in the sex trade. Delivering insightful and important interviews from ABC News to the Steve Wilkos Show, Griffin presents a straightforward “tough love” that may be honest to her personal experience of people on the Stroll. Her program, We’ve Been There Done That, seems to show a sense of solidarity with other street workers. While Griffin may be effective at communicating with some others who share her experience; and while she may also doing good work in changing public perception of former child prostitutes, such as Tricia Chambers, who have suffered much abuse and severe victimisation throughout her lives; the popular American media would be mistaken if they take Griffin and Tricia’s experiences as representative of the diverse range of sex worker experiences in the United States, or indicative of how all prostitution cases should be treated by the law.

Griffen’s moral ministry does not speak to the experiences of all street workers, and certainly, not all sex workers. While delivering much needed social services to sex workers in jail, she does not go far enough as to inquire as to whether the jailhouse is the right place for street workers to be receiving these services.

INTERNATIONAL PROSTITUTION REFORM & AMERICAN MEDIA

Griffin’s photogenic heroism is reminiscent of the rescue-and-reform strategy that Americans employ in many other parts of the world; in which the sensationalist media is quick to join their international crusades. Recidivism is rampant in America’s reform projects abroad, but the failures of these moralistic interventions are largely silenced by the anti-trafficking hero narrative.

In 2004, Gary Haugen, from the International Justice Mission (IJM), a Christian human rights organisation, courted MSNBC Dateline in a quest to rescue “sex slaves” in Cambodia, through dramatic raids and arrests on Svay Pak brothels, all captured by a hidden digital camera to be packaged for American TV: “Guns were drawn, sirens blared, children wailed, and panicked men and women ran in every direction,” wrote sociologist Gretchen Soderlund from the University of Chicago about Haugen’s rescue project, but “shelter escapes are commonplace in areas where anti-trafficking groups are currently targeting their efforts….At least 40 percent of the women and girls taken to his shelter escape and return to work in Svay Pak’s brothels. Indeed, six of the teens taken by MSNBC/IJM had run away from the home within a week of the televised busts.”

The well-respected New York Times journalist Nicholas Kristof, is also guilty of unsolicited American heroism. In 2004, the columnist bragged about how he bought two Cambodian teens out of the sex trade, and praised the Bush administration for policies defending the human rights of women abroad. Later, when one of the teens returned to her brothel in Poipet, Kristof accused her of having “low self-esteem” and an “eerily close relationship” with the brothel owner. Reflecting deeply on his failed Samaritanism, Kristof crafted this paternalistic response:

“Aid groups find it unnerving that they liberate teenagers from the bleak back rooms of a brothel, take them to a nice shelter—and then at night the kids sometimes climb over the walls and run back to the brothel…It would be a tidier world if slaves always sought freedom. But prostitutes often are shattered and stigmatized, and sometimes they feel that the only place they can hold their head high is in the brothel.”

These are not the words of a non-judgmental helper. American organisations in Asia seem not to understand how differences in cultural attitudes towards sex work in countries like Thailand, as well as vast differences in the wages that can be earned in menial labour between sex work and other jobs, sometimes make the brothel a far more desirable place to work than the clothing factory, where many organisations place their program graduates, puzzled why they would run away when faced with the even more exploitative wages.

While preventing children below the age of consent from involvement in sex work is a good practice, many American organisations do not discriminate between consensual and non-consensual sex trade in their raids and rescues. Instead of helping the “victims” of coercive sexual labour practices, these raids, rescues, and moral reform tactics often result in the coercive detention of Asian sex workers for months to years without legal recourse. Refusing to acknowledge the human rights of sex workers, and only granting sympathy if “victims” fit the “sex slave” narrative, much like the selection process of Ms. Griffith in Houston, these condescending and moralising attitudes shown by many religiously-motivated Reform organisations, only serve to heighten the stigma faced by people in the sex trades, rather than raise anyone’s “self-esteem.”

The moral judgments against sex work also prevent self-promoting heroes from recognising and supporting the successful efforts of sex workers whocollectively organise to prevent sex trafficking and underage labour within their own workplaces and communities; such as the 65,000-person strong sex worker union in India, which has a strong record of combatting trafficking and other forms of labour exploitation in the Sonagachi Red Light District.

Griffin’s reform project in the prisons of Houston, Texas, is at least commendable for one important reason: it is a sex worker-led organisation (or at least, it is led by a former sex worker, with a particular set of experiences in drugs and sex work – in the United States, where sex work is criminalised, this may be the only legitimate way for a project to be sex worker-led). Best practices from evidence-based organisations around the world show that sex worker-led organisations are, in fact, the most effective in tackling exploitation and promoting public health within our own communities.

However, Griffin’s message of Christian moralism does not create a truly “non-judgmental” space, and she may be silencing her participants, who may not share her experiences or her view on sex work. Given the power dynamics of the situation, where Griffin is teaching an audience of prisoners, there is little room for challenging the way Griffin frames sex work by bringing up contrasting experiences. Similarly, many former participants in American human trafficking reform programs abroad have also felt silenced by the anti-prostitution attitudes and moral judgments of these organisations, especially when they are incarcerated in rehabilitory detention centers much like this one, where participants have literally killed themselves in attempting to escape from “anti-trafficking” help programs.

In Thailand, the sex worker-led organisation, Empower, along with the Asia Pacific Network of Sex Workers, composed of over 100,000 sex workers from across India, Southeast and East Asia, condemn the U.S. for its imperialistic, Christian reform programs in the name of “anti-trafficking,” strengthened during the Bush era of religiously-motivated sexual moralism, which violate the human rights of sex workers worldwide.

“We have now reached a point in history where there are more women in the Thai sex industry being abused by anti-trafficking practices than there are women exploited by traffickers.”

In an Open Letter to the Prime Minister of the Royal Government of Thailand, Empower wrote:

“We accuse the United States government of using the issue of human trafficking to coerce its allies into tightening border and immigration controls. The US agenda has also created a climate where women crossing borders are all seen as suspect ‘victims’ of trafficking. Recently on the 21st February 2012 Empower released an in-depth research report, Hit & Run, done by sex workers, which clearly identifies how the State is breaching rule of law and police procedure while arresting wrong people.”

The narrative of moral reform is used both domestically and internationally to serve a sort of American charity-heroism, which is embarrassingly insensitive to the experiences of the people they purport to be helping, and actually exacerbates the structural conditions of harm. The United States also uses the anti-trafficking moral crusade to tighten immigration border controls and promote its other geopolitical interests: ranking countries according to their “progress report in human trafficking” through an annual U.S. Trafficking in Persons report, and placing certain countries like Cuba and North Korea into lower tiers than American political allies, with little justification, in order to exercise economic and political leverage on seemingly moral grounds.

By adopting a policing and a criminalisation model for tackling harm in the sex industry rather than a labour rights model that supports collective organising, the politics of moral reform blames and silences the individual, while failing to make any efforts to change the economic conditions that motivate this work.

In this past year, international organisations from the United Nations Global Commission on HIV and the Law, to the World Health Organization and Human Rights Watch have issued reports recomending the decriminalisation of sex work, in the interest of public health and sex worker human rights.

Rather than addressing the economic inequality between and within nations which motivates labour migration and predatory immigration practices across industries, as well as addressing the lack of dignified jobs for young people and fair wages for under-skilled workers – the rhetoric of prostitution reform chooses to create a narrative of good versus evil, blaming individuals rather than unjust global economic relationships, and silencing voluntary sex workers rather than recognising the pragmatic decisions many make in the absence of labour opportunities and labour rights.

The Violence Against Women framework for human rights activism insists that all sex work is “violence” against women, rather than acknowledging the individual acts of violence that occur when sex work is criminalised, or acknowledging that global poverty and inequality, which compels some women to travel across the world to become nannies and servants at low wages for middle-class people in the First World, is also a form of violence – and sex work is one choice for many within the constraints of the violence of poverty.

BEST PRACTICES FOR PROSTITUTION DIVERSION IN THE UNITED STATES

Domestic rescue and reform organisations, and the social work profession, have long used a language of moral reform, rescue, and rehabilitation, when talking about prostitution, while failing to address the problems of discriminatory policing, homelessness, domestic violence, drug abuse, and psychological illness, as separate conditions in a subset of diverse sex work experiences.

Other organisations serving street-based sex workers in the United States, such as Streetwise and SafeYoung Women’s Empowerment ProjectHIPSDifferent Avenues, and Safe Sex Work recognise that for street workers, criminalisation and discriminatory policing is the biggest source of violence and harm.

Why does Griffin refrain from acknowledging this fact?

Neglecting to recognise the harms of criminalisation, and only granting sympathy and legal recourse to “trafficking victims,” – Griffin corroborates in the silencing of sex workers who demand more than moral redemption, who demand their human rights.

But it is no surprise that some former sex workers, when caught by law enforcement or when deciding to exit the sex industry of their own volition, would find support and validation from reformers and abolitionists, particularly when their personal experience with sex work is compounded by other negative experiences, such as drug abuse and domestic violence. However, it must be recognised that these individuals do not speak for the experiences of all sex workers.

Many former sex workers, like Ms. Griffin, who find social recognition through confession and condemnation of the sex trade, are genuinely trying to help other individuals gain the same kind of social re-acceptance that she has found through moral repentance. It is important to recognise the good that Ms. Griffin may be doing on an individual level to comfort and support some incarcerated sex workers who may share her Christian moral views on prostitution, or share her negative experiences of drug abuse. However, Ms. Griffin could be going further to help these people by questioning why they are incarcerated to begin with, and thinking about what truly supportive alternatives and diversion programs might look like.

Here are some things Griffin could do, based on some best practices of other U.S. diversion programs:

  1. Make sure that upon completion of her program, the criminal records of her participants are expunged so that they have better opportunities to find alternative employment.
  2. Provide realistic, quality training for alternative employment, and support in accessing these jobs.
  3. Create a truly non-judgmental “safe space” in her program, so participants can share experiences and mutual support, and be recognised as people of dignity, agency, and great survival strength, instead of fallen “victims” in need of moralising rehabilitation. Make no stigmatising assumptions about the “self-esteem” of participants.
  4. Make sure that people exiting her program have access to supportive housing, should they need it, and other social services, including drug treatment programs, health care, and child care solutions, so that they are not compelled to return to sex work to meet these basic needs.
  5. Create a “diversion” program that takes place as an alternative to incarceration (like many other diversion programs in the U.S.) rather than one that only takes place within the prison system. Use fundraising gains from any media attention she is currently getting to strengthen programs with supportive social services for people outside of jail, who are at risk of incarceration for prostitution.
  6. Acknowledge the realities and benefits of sex work: that it is by and large the most lucrative “unskilled” employment option, which carries many benefits, including a flexible work schedule, especially desirable for mothers with childcare responsibilities during the day. Accept and acknowledge the possibility that some people may choose legal forms of sex work, such as stripping or porn, over other non-sex work employment; and allow space for respectful dissent for people who don’t feel like what they were doing was wrong.
  7. Use the harm reduction model, which has been proven to be most effective, for meeting people where they are at, and observe the best practices and methodologies of these existing programs.

Instead of catering to mainstream rhetoric, Griffin could be using her platform to talk about the dire lack of social services for sex workers outside of prison, due to criminalisation and social stigma – and use her spotlight to bring the public a far more nuanced look at the sex trade.

There are many unhappy workers in the sex industry, just as there are many unhappy workers in many other kinds of work, and criminalisation only serves to exacerbate the level of exploitation and violence in this market; nevertheless, sex workers demand the same human rights and labour rights as all other people. Moral reform lectures, delivered to prison inmates, are not the best use of state resources when many other preventative social services are direly needed.

We have yet to see the long-term impact of Griffin’s project. It is encouraging to see strong women like Griffin rise out of oppressive personal circumstances and support others. It would be much more hopeful to see Griffin deliver truly non-judgmental social services without the moralism of “reform,” and empower other former sex workers to build much needed peer-led community spaces.

In the New York Times video, one participant of Griffin’s program tells the cameraman that she was doubtful in Griffin’s program at first. But after meeting Griffin, she has decided: “I see you shine. I want exactly what you have.”

From misery to ministry, Griffin has made herself into a powerhouse, and she aims to become a “trainer of trainers” – to teach other former sex workers how to preach in diversion programs like hers. She instructs the participants of her program to sing in unison – a song from the movie Sister Acts, where Whoopi Goldberg plays a singer who wants to make it big, and disguises herself as a nun in a convent to avoid trouble from her past:

“If you wanna be somebody /
If you wanna go somewhere /
You better wake up and pay attention”

Griffin has surely grabbed a lot of attention this year. The hope is that she will now direct this attention to creating truly empowering, sex worker-led solutions for addressing the complex social problems surrounding prostitution in Texas.

Canadians Await Decision by Supreme Court on Decriminalisation

Contrary to popular misconception, sex work is legal in Canada; the act of exchanging sex for money is not a criminal offence. What is illegal are several activities fundamentally related to sex work, namely, communicating for the purposes of prostitution, (CC s. 213-1c); owning, operating, or occupying a “bawdy house” used for prostitution (CC s. 210); and procuring or living on the avails of prostitution (CC s. 212-1j). These three laws are currently being reconsidered in the Bedford v. Canada Supreme Court hearing, which took place on June 13th.

The case began in Ontario in 2007, with three applicants: Terri-Jean Bedford, a dominatrix whose S&M dungeon was shut down in 1999 under the Bawdy House law; and two members of Sex Professionals of Canada (SPOC), Amy Lebovitch and Valerie Scott. Together, they challenged the three sections of the Federal law on the grounds that these provisions violate sex workers’ right to liberty and security of person, granted under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, section 7. The Communication Law also violates sex workers’ Charter right to freedom of expression, section 2b.

The first trial took place in the Ontario Superior Court of Justice in October 2009. In 2010, Justice Susan Himel ruled that all three sections should be struck down. However, the Federal Government filed an appeal against the ruling, which was heard in June 2011. In 2012, the Ontario Court of Appeal maintained Himel’s ruling that the Bawdy House provision is unconstitutional. However, it added a clause to the “living on the avails” law, stating that the law still applies in “circumstances of exploitation,” such as coercive pimping. Furthermore, it overturned Himel’s ruling on the communication law, stating that solicitation is a “public nuisance” and should remain illegal.

This ruling is most devastating to street-based sex workers, who constitute well over 80% of prostitution offences in Canada, according to national crime statistics, while consisting of less than 20% of total sex workers. They are the most marginalised and impoverished of sex workers, who experience the highest rates of abuse, violence, and murder. At the Supreme Court appeal on June 13th, Attorney Christa Big Canoe, from the Aboriginal Legal Services of Toronto, stated that aboriginal people are over-represented in street-level “survival sex work,” and laws about communication for the purpose of prostitution limits their ability to screen their clients, and to keep themselves safe. “The court must consider the reality of Aboriginal street-level sex workers….Their safety and well-being are at risk daily,” Big Canoe stated, “Principles of equality and the history of colonialism must be considered in order to protect their Charter rights.”

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Attorney Katrina Pacey from Pivot Legal Society, presented various real methods that street workers use to stay safe, including bad date sheets shared between workers. She argued that the time used to screen clients can be the “difference between life and death” for a street worker, and the Communication Law forces street workers to rush through this important process. It also deprives sex workers of police protection, and pushes them further into dark and isolated areas of the city to avoid police detection, where they have a higher risk of violence. The Pickton serial murders of 26 women in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside, most of whom were sex workers and drug users, were connected with the increased enforcement of laws against street workers under the Federation of Canadian Municipalities in the 1990’s, which pushed sex workers into more dangerous areas, where the sex workers were picked up. According to the Vancouver Police Department, there was a total of 67 missing sex workers in the Downtown Eastside from 1997 to 2002. The Missing Women Commission of Inquiry states that “there is a clear correlation between law enforcement strategies of displacement…and violence against vulnerable women.”

The Crown argued that criminalising some aspects of sex work is justified, since it dissuades people from entering the sex trade, which they believe to be inherently harmful to sex workers and society. Bedford’s attorney, Alan Young, responded that it is “ethically unsound” to use laws that harm street workers to “send a message.” This argument was reinforced by Pivot Legal Society’s factum, which states that a law with the purpose of preventing public nuisance can not be justified when it increases risk of harm for sex workers.

“Myth-making, fear-mongering, and storytelling” – Young called out the Crown’s moralistic arguments. The Crown deviated into sensationalised narratives about human trafficking and addiction, and cited Melissa Farley’s problematic research on prostitution. Justice Abella described this moralistic approach using old value judgements as being trapped in a “time warp.” Young said: “Pimps are good movie fodder, but they don’t represent the reality of the current sex trade,” Young explained the distinctions between sex trafficking and sex work, and the various degrees of coercion and agency in different parts of sex work. “There is a lack of nuance in depicting what sex workers are. Blanket prohibitions only work when you have one image of a sex worker,” he said. In any case, it is not the government’s role to discourage people from entering risky professions by making it more risky: “Mining is a very risky occupation, but people still choose it,” Young said. People have the liberty to choose dangerous activities, and Parliament should not further endanger them while claiming to be concerned for their safety.

Attorney Jonathan Shime, representing the Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network and the British Columbia Centre for Excellence in HIV/AIDS, stated that criminalisation “hinders sex workers’ access to health care” and “hampers sex workers’ ability to control the conditions of their work,” including maintaining safe sex practices, such as asking a client to wear a condom, and gaining legal support if a cleint refuses to do so. The laws also push sex workers further underground, where they are less accessible to outreach workers. The intervener factum points out how for New Zealand, decriminalisation has improved public health outcomes.

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On the opposite side, the defence argued that street work attracts drugs, johns, litter, criminal elements, and possible harassment of passerby, while brothels attract cars and clients at all hours, possibly disturbing other residents and businesses; further pushing the “public nuisance” argument. They also raised the point that the Avails Law helps police catch traffickers and pimps; and criticised decriminalisation evidence that stated indoor sex work is safer than street work by pointing out that there is trafficking and exploitation both indoors and on the street. A fundamental question regarding the Court’s role in this case concerned agency: if someone decides consciously to engage in street work, in spite of criminal laws against it, is the government responsible for the risk of harm that this person knowingly has chosen? Has the government, in this case, deprived the person of his or her rights? While Justice Cromwell seemed to suggest no, Justice McLachlin declined to group prostitution with other vices, such as alcohol and gambling: “The limits on gambling and alcohol aren’t injurious,” she said, whereas the Communication and Bawdy-House laws put sex workers in very real physical danger.

Meanwhile, outside of the Courthouse, sex workers and allies gathered on the steps of the Supreme Court, in a rally organised by the Ottawa/Gattineau sex worker group, POWER. Speakers at the rally included sex worker activists from Maggie’s (Toronto) and Stella (Montreal), who denied the opportunity to intervene in the Supreme Court appeal, while several Christian organisations were granted the right to intervene. Other allies who spoke included Vancouver’s PACE, the Pivot Legal Society, SWUAV, Aboriginal Legal Services, FIRST, and SPOC. Right next to these groups, on the same steps, abolitionists held a counter-rally, chanting in support of upholding the existing criminal laws. The Women’s Coalition for the Abolition of Prostitution featured Bridget Perrier, a former sex worker who is now a staunch abolitionist, brandishing a bent wire hanger to demonstrate the post-traumatic stress she suffers from her time in sex work. The Native Women’s Association of Canada exclaimed that prostitution is harmful to aboriginal women, while the Canadian Association of Sexual Assault Centres proclaimed that prostitution is violence against all women. Other opponents of sex worker rights included the Christian Legal Fellowship, the Catholic Civil Rights League, and REAL (Realistic, Equal, Active for Life) Women of Canada.

On Twitter, an international debate was also going on, while people posted their responses to the live web video of the Supreme Court hearing. Stella published a list of media reports, as well as an excellent infosheet on the case. The decision will likely take several months to be reached. The final ruling could fully or partially decriminalise these laws related to sex work, or it could more deeply entrench certain harmful policies.

Whatever the decision in this landmark case, Canadian sex workers are well-prepared to continue organising for our own welfare and human rights.

Obitruary of a Tragic Eel

It’s a strange and lonesome night. You’re trapped in a gloomy, cramped space, and you can’t remember how you got here. Someone’s gripping you in a deadly choke-hold, and no matter what you try, you can’t seem to shake him off!

What do you do?

Suddenly, you see an opportunity before you – your attacker seems to be distracted for a moment, and has loosened his grip.

Quick! You go with your gut instincts, and rush forward! Squirming out from under those monstrous fingers, you fling yourself into a dark and warm hiding spot.

Unfortunately for you, you are an eel. And that warm spot is the rectum of a drunken Chinese man.

eel 2

Maybe this is already old news, but it’s probably still worth retelling:

A few weeks ago, a middle-aged and average-looking Rice Paddy Eel from South China, found itself lost in translation inside the anal cavities of a rapacious male human. Both parties were guilty of being alive at the time. Only one survived the encounter.

After a grueling operation, which lasted all night, the eel was rescued, miraculously still breathing. But he passed away shortly thereafter, probably due to shame.

The man is currently healing from a chewed up colon. He faces charges of animal cruelty, mutual but non-consensual (man was drunk! eel was eel.) He also faces a lifetime of hahaha from those who know him; and will likely always be at the butt end of bad jokes, like so.

It was his doctor that just had to blog about it to the world – she couldn’t keep this juicy story to herself.  With gut-wrenching detail, she recites a poetic tale of a desperate Sushi searching for his beloved Rice Paddy: and like Romeo and Juliet, both parties met tragic endings.

But, their ending parts weren’t the only tragedies. The internet swept up the doctor’s poetic tail, and has been abuzz for weeks with sad, corny puns, like so.

Additionally, the Japanese porno that the man was watching at the time, from whence he gathered his brilliant idea, was also investigated for tragic content. And apparently, in some shady parts of Japan, this manner of playing with one’s food – is a thing.

Fishy as it may sound to vanilla outsiders, in fact, this fetish has old roots. From octopus tentacles to frog eggs, the Japanese “Genki” is full of oceanic feelings, of the variety that would make even Freud blush.

But before we go about pointing fingers towards the East, exoticizing their ways, let’s not forget that many a pale-faced gerbil has found its way up Western tunnels, including one speculative journey up Richard’s Gere – box.

And gerbils are mammals, with claws!

….

So we are gathered here today, to mourn the death of a very special eel, who until recently, lived a fairly simple life, as eels do. He loved burying away in the muddy rice paddies of Southern China, and he did so with great tenacity and zest.

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La Femme Qui N’existe Pas: Pole Dancing in the Desert of the Real

La Femme Qui N’existe Pas:  
Pole Dancing in the Desert of the Real
[This paper was written for a class taught by Slavoj Zizek and Avital Ronnell, at NYU Fall 2011 – for which I happily received an A.]

“The gaze which seeks satisfaction by peering into intimate domain of private secrets has itself to turn into a secret, into something that strives to remain hidden, invisible in the public space.”  

“What, then, is this new dimension that emerges in the gap itself? It is that of the transcendental I itself, of its ‘spontaneity’: the ultimate parallax, the third space between phenomena nd the noumenon itself, is the subject’s freedom/spontaneity.”
– Zizek, The Parallax View

The stripper climbs to the top of the pole at center-stage, and suddenly inverts her legs, so that she is hanging upside-down, spread eagle, arching her back, and allowing a veil of bleach-blonde hair to fall over an inverted frown.  Gazing down on the audience from twenty feet in the air, it suddenly occurs to her that her freedom lies in the space between noumenon and phenomenon, and so she spontaneously lets out a fart.

Film theorist Laura Mulvey wrote, in an essay entitled, “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema”  that the female body is objectified by the male gaze in a cinematic language that constructs eroticism exclusively through the lens of male subjectivity. Woman is mere signifier for his desire, l’objet petit A , a mysterious gap signifying desire, but lacking meaning as a subject-in-herself. In cinema, the movement of the camera slows down upon the image of the woman, with close-up shots framing parts of her body, indicating a coveting gaze that enacts power through voyeuristic domination. The female form is assigned value according to its degree of conformity to the measurements of male desire.

In a world ordered by sexual imbalance, pleasure in looking has been split between active/male and passive/female.  The determining male gaze projects its phantasy on to the female figure which is styled accordingly. In their traditional exhibitionist role women are simultaneously looked at and displayed, with their appearance coded for strong visual and erotic impact so that they can be said to connote to-be-looked-at-ness.

According to Mulvey, the pleasure of the gaze has an active and a passive element, which are gendered in nature. Mulvey categorizes these as scopophilic (male) or narcissistic (female): the scopophilic and subjective pleasure of the male protagonist or audience member, may be enjoyed passively, or empathically, through female narcissistic self-objectification.  However, the subjective pleasure of the female is repressed, as the language for erotic pleasure is encoded in the patriarchal symbolic order that privileges male sexuality, leaving a muted blind spot where female desire should exist, but does not, for Woman exists only as the phallocentric Other, and so according to Lacan: “la femme n’existe pas.” Or rather, she is the object of desire, without a language or expression of her own.  In Lacanian terms, the subject’s gaze is always-already inscribed into the perceived object, which, in the patriarchal symbolic order of cinema, encodes women’s own sexuality in masculine fantasy, so that her own desire is fundamentally repressed.

Early feminist theorist, Simone de Beauvoir observed that woman’s perspective of her sexuality is from the outside looking in, causing what she calls a “doubling” of oneself as a girl reaches adulthood, “instead of coinciding exactly with herself, she  [also] exist[s] outside.”  From the moment of self-conscious awakening as a sexual being in the patriarchal order of desire, she is trapped in parallax view, displaced from her own subjectivity, and constantly forced to survey herself from outside. Feminist theorist Susan Bordo writes about this self-surveillance, especially of one’s body, in Unbearable Weight , noting the psychological impact of female objectification is linked to a higher incidence of anxiety, depression, and eating disorders in women.  The pornographic images of women’s bodies ubiquitous in advertising and public space, invites increasing self-surveillance, which according to feminists Catherine MacKinnon and Andrea Dworkin, constitutes a form of social trauma, generally endured by all women. Thus, according to this paradigm of feminist anti-objectification, the stripper stands naked in the sexual political economy of Patriarchy as an entirely alienated being. She may find profit in her own spectacle, but at the cost of submitting to a gaze that imposes silence upon her own desire, by reducing her to a symbol in a simulacrum of male desire, which prefers fantasy and falsehood in a desert of the sexual-Real, over genuine contact between the sexes, through which there would always lie the threat of male castration imposed by any true expression of female sexuality.

That the strip club is a house of fantasy, a simulacrum for “authentic” sexual exchange, and also, often a house of healing for those who have been injured by the social game of sexuality, lends it the peculiar task of exchanging fantasy for fantasy and trauma for trauma between two sexes that suffer in different ways from sociosexual norms. In broad strokes, whereas male clients may suffer from the unfulfilled sexual validation that would signify masculine success, or from the confinement of monogamy that signifies good citizenship, female dancers may suffer from economic pressure due to gendered discrimination in the labor market and imbalance of household responsibilities, or from the repression of their “authentic” sexuality, and may find liberated expression through these means, the only avenues given, inadequate as they may be. Whatever the reasons either party has for engaging in this commodified fantasy exchange, there exists a distinct disconnect between the client’s objectives (power validation, sexual titillation), and the dancer’s objectives (economic gain, skillful performance) – and only through the lens of disconnect, this parallax gap, is the true nature of the encounter revealed: the sociosexual structures and institutions that encode appropriate and inappropriate behaviors between the sexes, and the porous boundaries thereof. Performance serves as a medium through which these social truths are simultaneously hidden and revealed, and money serves as the social lubricant that sets the stage.

I am not very convinced of the facile narrative of female victimization within male sexual hegemony, particularly when this narrative is applied to commercial sex workers. Given both parties are complicit in a game whose rules have been pre-defined, does the exclusion of the stripper’s “authentic” sexuality in the performance of the strip club indicate her subjugation, or rather, her skillful maneuvering of the Other’s equal subjugation to the same sociosexual norms? Is the stripper’s complicity in her own objectification a “passive” or an “active” one? Does performance reverse subject-object relations? Does it literally hold the viewer captive? Is there a space of agency between perception of desire and reflection of that desire in which the “object” is activating subjectivity, perhaps one more authentic than that which is projected upon her? Is there even such a thing as “authentic” desire, when it is always-already predefined, for heterosexual men as well as women ? Is the “male gaze,” which is locked into place upon the cinematic subject an equal, or even greater, confinement for the subject/gazer, whose inner desire is held captive, than for the body who is held externally captive via projected image?

Zizek’s theory of the tickling object reverses subject-object relations, insisting that it is the object, which is active, and the subject that is passively seduced by the movements of the object.  This active tickling is made possible through the parallax view. Through a “reflexive twist” the subject “include[s] [oneself] in the picture constituted by [oneself]” by a “necessary redoubling of self as standing both outside and inside [one’s] picture, that bears witness to [one’s] ‘material existence.’”   For Mulvey, woman’s view of herself, is always ever from the outside looking inwards, accentuating what Zizek calls the “blind spot” of subjectivity, which can only be made apparent through the parallax view of displaced perspective, a “reflexive short circuit” that allows one to stand “both inside and outside of [one’s] picture.” However, the Real exists only in this reflexive short circuit, and the truths of gender relations and performance power can be revealed as refracted through the looking glass.

Applying this analogy, the stripper’s redoubling of herself is far more sophisticated than her (impressive) backward bend on the pole; it is the redoubling of her consciousness that translates her image into the language of male desire, to speak effectively to his pants, that is, his wallet. But the gap between his desire and hers proves that there is necessary space between the male gaze and her own subjective interpretation of this gaze, wherein lies “autonomy” – that Enlightenment Age fetish of “individuality” and “rational freedom.” There must be a gap between noumenon and phenomenon, between the symbol of sexual desire and the stripper’s self-signification, which allows for spontaneity, misrepresentation, resistance, Accident , agency – or farting.

The stripper’s own understanding of the gap between the male language of sexuality and her subjective experience, illuminates the outlines of its muted lack, and it is this very disjuncture, which allows her an awareness of the space for self-expression separate from the constructed language that exists, a self-expression of which women who do not perform this male fantasy are not as consciously aware. It is the gap between his sexual desire and her sexual disdain that clues her into the invisible terrain where her own subjectivity lies – the illusive “female gaze” which feminist theorists like Laura Mulvey so avidly mourn. That female gaze can only be found in the space where female desire is seemingly absent, where it is hidden in the performance of another gaze; but through the disjuncture between the two, is reclaimed.

Stripper-activist Debra Sandhal wrote about her feelings towards objectification in the context of the Lusty Lady Theater, a strip club in San Francisco:

The hardest part of the job was dealing with my feminist principles concerning the objectification of women Dancing nude is the epitome of woman as sex object. As the weeks passed, I found I liked being a sex object, because the context was appropriate. I resent being treated as a sex object on the street or at the office. But as an erotic dancer, that is my purpose. I perform to turn you on, and if I fail, I feel I have done a poor job. Women who work in the sex industry are not responsible for, nor do they in any way perpetuate, the sexual oppression of women. In fact, to any enlightened observer, our very existence provides a distinction and a choice as to when a woman should be treated like a sex object and when she should not be. At the theater, yes; on the street, no. Having the distinction so obviously put out at work, I felt more personal power on the street.

Sandahl’s experience of empowerment and greater self-awareness through sex work is echoed by many other writers who express their experiences in the sex industry. What her testimony demonstrates is that when the gaze is shifted, and refocused, via the context of performance, the “objectified” can reframe and reclaim her objectification. Through the controlled boundaries of a performance space, the performer realizes the avenues in which she can exercise control via mimicry, hybridity, and a Third Space . Thus, it is through the parallax view of performed sexuality in a realm of discordant fantasies, of fantastic “gaps,” Zizek’s notion of the “blind spot,” that the stripper’s Objet petit X, ungraspable-in-itself, can be witnessed. It may be said, therefore, that the parallax view of the stripper includes not one, but two, blind spots, which serve wonderfully to illuminate one another in a parallax view of blind spots, like a Real Las Vegas of show and not tell.

The Real that is exposed through difference is the stringent structure of gender constructs, and the economics performed thereof. This is played out through the unspoken gap between fantasy and actor, a space of desire that can never be truly answered/fulfilled (objet petit a.) It is a tragedy of kabuki theater that both parties leave the strip club generally unfulfilled: the objectifier and the objectified, equally drunk and sexually frustrated. It is a greater tragedy, though, that to resist “objectification” as so many radical feminists a la Laura Mulvey, Andrea Dworkin, and Catherine MacKinnon have done, is to actually fall into a greater structural problem of gendered objectification: by aligning with traditional gender roles for women, which prescribes sexual purity and chaste modesty, as if for the benefit of the woman.

A more convincing argument to explain the role of sexual purity in gender relations can be found in the writings of Fredrick Engels, specifically in“Family, Private Property, and the State,”  which demonstrates that female chastity is a tool for male domination within marriage, to ensure the passing of property onto legitimate heirs. It has long been the instrument for the enslavement of women’s bodies to reproductive slavery, particularly during times when women were not allowed to have their own property. The harsh stigma imposed upon the trespassing of this chaste code of enslavement are the most severe punishments upon women’s “authentic desire” ever invented, imposed, and Biblicized. Thus, female promiscuity is the first and gravest sin, and female sexual self-consciousness highlights a dangerous crack in Patriarchy, which must be sealed away with wedding veils or chastity belts, at all cost.

But in Las Vegas, neon poles outline the desert of the Real. The “ideological fantasy” of sexual normativity, of some standard mainstream vanilla “good” sexuality – is only held in place by the perverted BDSM, pornography, gay and fetish sex of the “Big Other.” The margins define the space within, and so, as according to Zizek, the Real lies in the margins. The stripper on the pole hangs meticulously, as a measuring-stick to society, outlining the limits of allowable sexuality.

Particularly poignant are these measuring sticks, when applied to the vulnerable male flank by a female dominatrix.  BDSM is a particularly poignant dance on the frontiers of sociosexual norms. It is an explicit play of trauma: the trauma of gender relations in society, the trauma of masculinity, the trauma of silence imposed by taboo – the “Silence that offers its own syntax of testimony.”  The repetition that sings of Lacanian jouissance, facilitates the emergence of truth through fantasy, through the traumatic act. According to Lacan, subjects’ fundamental fantasies are unconscious structures, which allow them to accept the traumatic loss involved in its founding sacrifice.  From seven years of personal experience as a dominatrix in New York City, my submissive clients, who are mostly corporate lawyers, CEO’s, and investment bankers, high in the ranks of the corporate pyramid, are suffering silently from the traumas of the power climb, and the norms of polite society that hold their desires and behaviors in secrecy. The space of fantasy provided by the dungeon allows for Lacanian expression and reclamation of traumatic loss.

As Freud wrote in “Beyond the Pleasure Principle” – “the most painful experience…can yet be felt…as highly enjoyable.”  Freud’s patients, who were World War II veterans returning from the battlefield, suffered from recurring shellshocked dream. In their dream realm of fantasy, acts are recollected, repeated, and worked through. What is ruptured is memory and time – trauma interrupts these planes. The explosion of memory is not passive, for trauma is the resistance of memory to destruction, and the death drive of BDSM is resistance to obliteration via traumatic expression, perhaps a repetitive restoration to the original state.  It brings the dreamer to what Walter Benjamin describes of the “high state” in his hashish-bespectacled walks in Marseille. The high of self-induced trauma, like the high of self-chosen narcotic use, is one which liberates a multiplicity of perspectives by reworking memory and perception through a veil of fantasy.“”The more closely you look at a word the more distantly it looks back”. Benjamin comments: “How things withstand the gaze.”  In the context of fantasy, the act of gazing is itself reflexive, transformative, healing, yet hyperreal. The object that is gazed upon stands almost entirely independently from the meanings ascribed by the gaze, and the object that gazes withstands the gaze, becoming more distant from as the gazer falls deeper into fantasy. The fantasy of the dungeon facilitates the emergence of truth through fiction, and the reworking of memory through traumatic play.

The performer facilitates a fantasy that holds meaning separate from the performer, to which the gazer alone has access, through traumatic memory. The object of this performance is not the performer, but the trauma of the blind spot in the gazer’s Real. Though the erotic dance club is certainly a stage for this type of fantasy performance, nowhere is the psychological healing aspect of performance more explicit than in the sexual labor of BDSM. There exists extensive literature on BDSM and trauma: its potentially therapeutic nature, which I will not have space to dive into for the purposes of this essay. However, what I would like to explore is the way in which sexual trauma serves as a medium for communicating bigger traumas of power, violence, economic and political domination, gendered violence, and gendered power. Deviance, trauma’s expression, re-creation through expression, transformation – is in itself an action that has interactive consequences: for there is no expression that can be left untouched in perfect transmission, but rather, there is always a vulnerability of testimony to fiction, which leaves an opening/aporia, which is controlled by performance. This performance can be dangerously creative, and disruptive of power relations in a very real way, yet it is also ever beholden to the scripts of sexual normality. What one gets is a mere glimpse between fantasy and improvisation, wherein lies something like Spontaneity, Freedom, Truth. As Lacan wrote: the peculiarity of truth is that it expresses itself most fully in deception or falsehood. The fantasy scenarios of the dungeon have taught me, viscerally, some of the harshest secrets of reality in our gendered, economic world of work.

Judith Butler writes of gender as performance, which is inherently false/inauthentic, separate from the inner experience of the performer. Goffman/Bourdieu/John Austin wrote about the symbols that create the tapestry of this false performance. In BDSM, the performance of gender roles is reversed, the symbols intentionally perversified, in acts that ironically serve only to highlight the powerful boundaries of normality, of the standard performance of sexuality “as it should be” (my clients tend to be painfully conservative and polite in normal life, often Catholic, and often beholden to strictly self-imposed social rules.) The defiance of those rules through obstinate perversity demonstrates the trauma imposed upon the client by these very rules. Yet, there is ever hanging within the script, a space for improvisation, for the surprising, the jouissance which may liberate even the perverse from his perversity through unplanned puncture of rehearsed dreams: the Baudellairean shock that makes poetry of Arcades. In that space for spontaneity, in which the dominatrix deviates from the script, lies a creative agency that may also be liberating, and shockingly healing. The interplay between script and improvisation, the space between subject and object that makes “inter-objectification” possible, is the free exchange of trauma between client and performer. What is paid for is that particular X-factor between script and improvisation, that unique spontaneity and surprise, which makes a particular dominatrix skillful and individual. Money fails utterly as the perfect fiat for the exchange of traumatic significance – what prevails for the artists on both sides of the whip is a playground of symbols and memory.

One secret that is cheaply traded between client and performer is the “pleasurepain” of repression made explicit through guilt – guilt as the enjoyment of repression itself. Guilt is the way in which the subject enjoys his subjection to law, which he renders visible and even more powerful through transgression. Guilt is particularly enjoyable for the masochist subject, who seeks a sense of safety and security through a reassertion of the domination of the outside order that he secretly loves and craves – for the masochist is comforted by that domination, that reassertion of a secure static state of power. He restores the power, which may have been shaken by his wrongdoing, by debasing and punishing himself, and insodoing reasserting the dominance of the comforting power structure, the safety and motherhood of social convention.

Shame is in itself a sort of high, what psychologist M. Lewis calls an “adaptive disruption”: “Shame disrupts ongoing activity as the self focuses completely on itself, and the result is a state of confusion; inability to think clearly, inability to talk, and inability to act.”  This inebriation of self-loathing is adaptive in that “its function is to inhibit accurate awareness of one’s surroundings, and allows one to internally change that which fails to live up to the person’s externally desired standards.” Shame serves, for the masochist, as a disruption necessary to unlock agency, by freeing him to recommit to power. It is also the blind spot through which emerges the humiliated truth.

The shaming of strippers and other sex workers by radical feminists reveals an implicit enjoyment of and submission to the Patriarchal order that created the gender roles necessary for “objectification” to exist. Even while criticizing that Patriarchal order, they seem to have a masochistic indulgence in that order, which is what allows for the protests of victimization and oppression to persist. Rather than simply transcending the gender imbalance in sex work between male clients and female performers, through encouraging more sex venues where females are the consumers of male sexuality, which would serve well to actionably counter many of the theoretical arguments which core feminists against sex consumption such as Carole Pateman and Catherin MacKinnon have made – many radical feminists seem to fetishize the notion of Patriarchy in a way that reinforces it.

My problem with classical notions of “objectification” as per Kant (human dignity as a priori, not to be used as ends), and Maxian notions of commodification/alienation, is that a world in which human beings do not use each other as ends to their own satisfaction – is pure philosophical fantasy, and privileges mental work above bodily work, as if the former could not be equally exploited, commoditized, and objectified. The feminist ideal of “non-objectification” of the female body actually replicates that oppressive bifurcation between mind and body, which is so often protested in feminist theory, by insisting that the instrumentalization of the body (bodily work) is  somehow inferior to instrumentalizing the mind (mental labor) – which is a convenient claim for academic feminists to make. Their unconvincing counterargument is that there are particular “feminine” elements in the body that is not so feminized in the mind – that the mind is without gender, and therefore can not be exploited unequally – however, this claim would contradict many of the other radical feminist claims of “feminist epistemology,” which insist on the existence of women’s “ways of knowing.”

Furthermore, feminist self-surveillance in language and politically correct womanhood also serve to highlight the misogynistic “Big Other,” which through its abominable actions, defines the boundaries of ideological feminism and fuels its offended energies. Perhaps there can emerge a parallax view, where strippers and the radical feminists can get together at a cocktail party and gaze at _______ (whatever it is that would liberate them both from these gender constructs – I can’t see/say what that might be), or perhaps that is also mere fantasy born from my critical/theoretical trauma.

I conclude with a position that both radical feminists that emphasize structural gender inequality and liberal feminists that emphasize economic self-empowerment and “agency” may both be missing, a perspective that feminist scholars who are not sex workers may not understand, or care to understand: that the very performance of sex work exposes and disrupts truths of sexual socioeconomics, and creates a space for self-actualization via “traumatic play,” which does not simply kowtow to the ideological “Big Other” of Patriarchy, but rather unravels its significance by enjoying it.

WORKS CITED
Benjamin, Walter. Reflections: Essays, Aphorisms, Autobiographical Writings, ed. Peter Demetz,
tr. Edmund Jephcott. New York: Schocken Books, 1978.

Bordo, Susan. Unbearable Weight: Feminism, Western Culture, and the Body. Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1993.

De Beauvoir, Simone. The Second Sex. London: Knofp, 1952.

Dworkin, Andrea. Intercourse. New York: Basic Books, 2006.

Engels, Fredirck. “Origin of Family, Private Property, and the State.” Marx/Engels Selected
Works, Volume Three. Hottingen-Zurich: October, 1884.

Freud, Sigmund. Beyond the Pleasure Principle. New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 1961.

MacKinnon, Catherine, and Andrea Dworkin. Pornography and Civil Rights: A New Day for
Women’s Equality. New York: Organizing Against Pornography Press, 1988.
Mulvey, Laura. “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema.” Screen 16.3, Autumn 1975, pp. 6-18.

Pateman, Carole.  The Sexual Contract. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988.

Ronell, Avital. “A Testamentary Whimper.” The Test Drive. Illinois: University of Illinois, 2005.

Sundahl, Debi, “Stripper.” Living with Contradictions: Controversies in Feminist
Social Ethics. Jagger, Alison M., ed. Boulder: Westview Press, 2004.

Zizek, Slavoj. The Parallax View: Short Circuits. Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2006.

annakissed manifiesta: my evolving thoughts on sex work

@X+   Man-i-Fiesta

[This project consists of many drafts in evolution. My first draft was written for the Anarchist Bookfair in April of 2009, which I helped to organize. This original writing, which was distributed as a zine, can be found here: http://www.nytrash.com/annakissed]

[I began to create a second version of this project for the 2010 Desiree Alliance, but never completed my work. This version can be found here: http://issuu.com/annabellexaah/docs/_annakissed_manifiesta_2nd_ed__part_1_]

[Below is the most recent draft, which I created in 2011]

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INTRODUCTION

It is a commonly accepted belief that in the United States, wives achieved political equality with husbands in 1928 when they won equal right to vote at the age of twenty-one. However, it was not until the late 1960’s when wives successfully challenged not only political oppressions but also social ones: demanding the right to higher education and equal pay in the workplace. This social revolution is commonly known as the Women’s Liberation Movement. But it was not the liberation of all Women: some women are not counted as Women – whores for example, and the poor, colored, and migrant. These latter classes of women have never achieved full social equality.

Here in these pages, I shall focus on the whore.

Whores do not have equal rights as other women. They are illegitimate women; that is to say, they are neither women nor human in the eyes of law. A whore can be raped, and the rape can be ruled in the courts of justice as mere robbery.#      They can be harassed and abused not merely by clients and pimps, without protection from law, but also by police, the very agents of law, who are more likely to force sex upon them than help them.#      They can be trafficked, enslaved, and forced to labor under the most inhumane conditions, yet receive no effective protection from the international community, which might protest loudly the great tragedy of their victimized chastity, yet refuse to recognize their agency or right to work. Throughout history whores have suffered, and continue to suffer, some of the worst stigma and violence of any social group, yet they are supposedly practicing the “world’s oldest profession,” as natural to society as any commerce or trade. They have never intentionally harmed anyone, yet they are marginalized and punished along with the worst of criminals.

What is so wrong with being a whore, that they should merit such severe punishment?

There is nothing morally wrong or naturally degrading about prostitution. Ideological arguments against prostitution are constructed to enforce Patriarchal control over women’s bodies: their sexuality, reproductive ability, and caring labor, in order to assert Patrilineal rights over children and enable inheritance of private property.#     It is a social arrangement that has worked fairly well in maintaining a certain type of material order in society, but is inherently unjust for wives and whores. The maintenance of this social arrangement requires great sacrifice in the lives of all girls and women. Chastity and sexual obedience of women are keystones to the construction of Patriarchy, and its imperative is embedded at the core of every ideological system in Patriarchy. Therefore, challenging the fall of Eve, challenging the moral and political authority of social constraints on women’s sexuality, destabilizes the very foundations of Patriarchal hegemony.

That is why the subject is so taboo. The implications for an enlightened ethics of women’s sexual labor extend far beyond the question of whether prostitution should be legalized, decriminalized, or left as is, though this is currently a puzzle for the international community in spite of clear evidence supporting decriminalization without stringent regulation#     – for it is understandably difficult and confusing to attempt the prescription of justice for a group that is not allowed to speak for itself. – Rather, the question of “morality” as applied to women’s sexual choices, is an artery to the very heartbeat of society: the social regulation and control of all sexual, reproductive, and familial relations that uphold Patriarchal politics. The whore is stigmatized, not because her actions are inherently wrong, but because her sexual freedom tastes dangerously like the Achilles’ heel of Patriarchy. The whore is kept low in society in order to control the wife and discipline the girl. Her oppression, which is tied to the oppression of all women, is unreasonable and unjust.

The following manifesto for true sexual liberation and gender justice provides in detail the rationale for all previous statements. The general pronoun used for prostitutes will be “she,” even though there are many rent-boys and transgendered or third gender people who work in this profession, many of whom are the most outspoken activists in this movement. The use of “she” to stand in for all prostitutes is for simplification purposes only, without intending to diminish the gender and sexuality diversity in this industry.

ONE.    SEXUALITY AND THE ILLEGITIMIZED WOMAN

A.    Madonna and Whore: The Rape of the Mind of Woman

Little girls learn quickly in school that the worst thing to be, next to fat or faggot, is a slut. What is a slut, exactly? A slut is a delicate line in the dark, which every girl must feel out for herself. It is when the social benefits of Sexy cross over to the social taboos of Sexual, and it happens in a heartbeat, usually first spotted through the lens of jealousy by another little girl. When Girl Number One touches blindly upon the delicate line of sluttiness, she is made painfully aware of it by Girl Number Two, who is joined by other voices ad infinitum, and this malicious social signaling is how she will come to know that she has crossed the vague and arbitrary borders of Sluthood neverland.

Sluthood is the negative equivalent of Chastity, that prized quality once used as the sole evaluation of an unmarried girl’s social status. In many parts of the world, the premium of virginity is still a supreme measurement of the “virtue” of women. The social utility of the slut boundary lies precisely in its flexibility and arbitrariness; it is the perfect tool of social oppression. It divides the Madonnas from the Whores, the “valuable” women who contribute to society through legitimized motherhood (bearing children for a man) and the “degraded” women whose contributions are vilified because their sexual labor belongs in part to themselves and is not colonized by any one man. Anyone can accuse a girl of being Whore-like, and the accusations alone can damage the value, reputation, or social capital of the girl in question. The flexibility of Sluthood makes it an ideal weapon against women.

Everyone knows that Sluthood follows a double standard. Only women can be sluts; mansluts are admired as studs or Casanovas. A slutty-looking girl, who resembles a Whore in some way, even if she does not engage in promiscuous or commercial sex, is sometimes subject to the oppressive treatment of a whore. That is why in many countries even today, appearing slutty in public can be an appropriate rationale for rape in the courts. What is implied is that if a girl dares to dress “loosely,” to look like a whore, she deserves to be treated violently, because a man’s sexual instincts can not be curbed; which implies further that whores deserve to be subjected to violence because whores do not have rights; they are unchaste and illegitimate women. Thus all woman are disciplined and controlled by the constant threat of mistakable whoredom.

The existence of the madonna/whore divide is oppressive for both madonnas and whores; both illusions are used to colonize the body of woman. Corporal discipline in the form of beauty tyranny in the media involves very stringent guidelines of dieting, plucking, and self-loathing, in order to appear sexually desirable. A young woman’s attractiveness and sexuality is still her ultimate source of power, and it is achieved through mental colonization. The ideal of the “young girl” is sold in package to women everywhere, and it involves believing in very trite, socially constructed things, such as “love,” “happiness,” “cuteness,” and many other vague and shallow notions of desirable states in life.#     The young girl is pictured in the media as a commodity to be attained, a decoration to be used for enhancing the appeal of products, an object to be gazed upon. Thus, the young girl rationally adopts this view and prepares herself as the perfect commodity, tailoring every part of her body and mind to the performance, believing whatever is required to achieve this. Her value is dependent upon the accurate assimilation of the prototype commodity, and it is a value that quickly depreciates when she hits a tender age of thirty, despite all her efforts to maintain herself. Thus, the battle of the young girl against extinction is a futile and tragic one.

A truly liberated woman in the 21st Century lives beyond the Madonna/Whore paradigm and defines her sexuality for herself. She exercises her freedom by re-appropriating the masculine gaze upon her, reclaiming her subjectivity with respect to the socialized gaze, and renegotiating the borders of her agency through gender consciousness. Thus, she becomes aware of the social construction of womanhood, and makes every effort to decolonize her body and mind, choosing to perform those aspects of femininity and masculinity that are closest to her most healthy nature and enable her to enjoy the greatest freedom.

B.    Decolonizing the Female Body: Reexamining the Contemporary Institution of Marriage

Monogamous marriage has long been theorized as a Patriarchal form of state control over human relationships between the sexes. According to Engels, marriage in Patriarchal society evolved historically as an economic instrument to ensures that a man’s property is passed onto his genetic heirs, thus the wife’s fidelity must be enforced for the proper regulation of wealth and land distribution from generation to generation. Early human society was matrilineal and matrilocal, thus women had greater power within the family; but with the introduction of the modern institutions of private property, as well as warfare and Patriarchal government to protect this property, Patrilineal marriage evolved favoring the physical dominance of men. Later on, monogamy evolved with monotheistic religions, as the primary instatement of Patriarchal marriage, replacing the matrilineal and tribal forms of family.#

Yet modern biology has shown that human beings and most other animals on Earth are not naturally monogamous; rather our primal biology remains with us and dominates our emotions in spite of cognitive cultural restrictions. Our oxytocin-induced feelings of love last for an average of seven years, enough time to raise a Neanderthal child to an age where he or she can take care of himself and join the tribe. The timing of the fading of chemistry concurs with the infamous “seven year itch,” at which time it is said there is a significant drop in oxytocin levels, and partners lose much of their sexual interest for one another.#

In a tribal society where there is no Patriarchal dominance over private property and land ownership, couples often naturally dissolve after chemistry disappears. For thousands of years and continuing into the present day, among matrilineal tribal communities, such as the Na of southwestern China, women and men have unrestricted sex for pleasure with as many partners as they please. Women live with their own families and never “marry” into the husbands’ families, as is the case for the rest of China. The children born to women are considered to be of the women alone, and have no socially-recognized father. The word father is not used, and fatherhood is not practiced; rather, the brothers of the mother often play a fatherly role in the upbringing of the child. The child is brought up in the intergenerational family and the village community, where the love between mother and daughter is ever-lasting. For thousands of years, the Na people have enjoyed this cultural familial arrangement with pride, even to the present day, demonstrating that polyamory is possible and healthy, and can create a vibrant and joyful community. In this Na society, prostitution does not exist.#

However, in a civilization that is built on organized distribution of property, violent warfare, and systematic reproduction of social classes with unequal access to resources, it is important for sexual and reproductive partnerships between men and women to last  a lifetime so as to keep material society orderly. Because this life-long partnership is contrary to our biological inclinations, marriage in modern Western society requires much social coercion to stay in place, as enforced by government, sanctioned by religion, and mystified by fairy tales, and held by popular media as the most sacred ritual of our society. Yet even with all of these systems of control, monogamy is tenuous at best. Steadily increasing divorce rates indicate increasing difficulty in the face of increasing democracy and education for traditional systems of social control to monitor sexual, reproductive, and familial behavior.

It is for economic reasons, catering to male property ownership, that women’s sexual liberation is an inherent threat to this society, which is organized around private property and class inheritance. That is why Eve’s temptation is the original sin and Lilith is an infamous legend; why the fall of every Chinese kingdom is attributed to the fox demon, a sexually powerful woman who corrupts the emperor. The sexual liberation of women from the oppressive institution of marriage is the most fearful threat of Patriarchal civilization.

C.   Enslavement of Female Labor: The Informal Private Sphere of Mothers, Housewives, and Sex Workers

The unrecognized and disproportionate division of domestic labor within the traditional family is unfair to women. The realm of “women’s work”: domestic housework, reproduction, sex, and childcare, are essential sources of labor that are fundamental to the successful functioning of society, yet this labor has always been unpaid and unaccounted for in the capitalist national assessments of production.# Women have historically been kept within the home where they are treated like children, dependent upon the care of fathers and husbands, and subservient to the needs of the men in their lives. Women’s domestic labor expectations have not decreased with the liberation of women in professional life. The pressure for modern Western women to be all at once perfect career-women, housekeepers, mothers, and attractive sexual partners creates an oppressive and unequal work load that leads to increasing anxiety and illness.

Traditional patriarchal attitudes towards the “ideal woman” as beautiful and chaste objects of sexual attraction before marriage, and self-sacrificing and loyal wives and mothers after marriage, continues to coerce women into underappreciated and oppressive roles as sex objects and domestic servants. Thus, attitudes towards women’s beauty, chastity, and motherhood, are ways of social control, which bind women to an institution of marriage that is inherently unjust in its labor division, and that perpetuates the oppressive gender binary and heterosexual orthodoxy.

Women are expected to be more family-oriented than men, and men are socially permitted to take on less responsibility than women in looking after their children and households. In many societies, it is accepted and expected that women must nag men to contribute financially to the family, rather than spend their money on personal expenses; that wives must compel men to stay loyal to them “against their natures” while they themselves would never be allowed the same promiscuities as their husbands. The myth of the natually brutish, horny, and irresponsible man is used to justify men’s iresponsibility in the home. Women are often give the task of pressuring their husbands to spend quality time with children, and if laws permit, to pay child support when all else fails and the marriage ends in divorce. The burden of family maintenance is placed disproportionately on women, who are held responsible for unpaid domestic work, while also having to manipulate husbands to keep to their end of the deal. Meanwhile, men have been afforded the social recognition and free sexual enjoyment that their wives have historically been denied.

Political theorist Carole Pateman explained through Contract Theory that originally in the constitutions written after the French Enlightenment that freed mankind from monarchic rule, creating a Brotherhood of equal rights, only men had access to the equality promised in the public spheres of government and business. The private sphere of the family was relegated to women, who were still not considered to be full or equal citizens. According to Freud, women’s biological natures rendered them incapable of morality or public service; they are deemed too emotional and too willing to abandon ethical principles in favor of caring for people close to them. Many reasons were given for why women should not be allowed to participate in the public sphere. The realm of the private sphere was not subject to the same principles of equality that was extended to the public sphere. It  was believed that what occurs in the private sphere is “natural”: to bear and care for children, and maintain the household. Since these activities in the private sphere is natural to feminine biology, political equality needs not apply; instead, the father is considered the natural ruler of the household, and until fairly recently, households were publicly accounted for only by the “heads” of households, presumably men. The democratic revolution of the Enlightenment eliminated inequality between Father and Son, but sustained patriarchal inequality between husband and wife, wherein biology was used as the justification for inequality. There has not been a second revolution since then, to achieve full elimination of Patriarchal rule, and the democratic political institutions that we have today stem from foundations which exclude women, with mild amendments to allow women entry into the public sphere without methods to ensure true equality in the private sphere: by provisioning mothers with the means to fully participate in the workplace,  requiring fathers to take equal domestic and childcare responsibility, or allowing for alternative household arrangements outside of the heterosexual monogamous family. The fact that rape within marriage is rarely acknowledged or punished in the Court of Law goes to show that Patriarchal justice continues to regard women’s sexuality to be wholly possessed by her husband, who should be protected in his right to free, unrestricted access to her dutiful body. Neither our legal policies nor our cultural values allow for true equality between women and men, and the root of this inequality is our cultural interpretation of biological sexual difference.

D.   It’s Written in the Books: Biology and Religion As Ideological Cohorts of Patriarchy

The commonly prescribed reason for the sexual double standard is biological. Men have an unlimited supply of sperm and can engage in sex with many women simultaneously, impregnating multiple partners without necessarily taking on any responsibility for the children. Women, on the other hand, have to go through nine months of labor, and can only carry the child of one man at a time, so they bear a greater “cost” when engaging in sex. Even with birth control, there remains a risk of pregnancy, which will more greatly and immediately impact the woman. Therefore by necessity, and not by justice, a woman must more carefully guard her sexuality than her fellow man. Furthermore, since it is always obvious who the mother is when a child is born, but not obvious who the father is, the woman needs to be “faithful” in order to persuade her partner to believe that he is the true progenitor of her child.# Men do not want to be tricked into taking care of another man’s child, since they often have enough trouble taking responsibility for their own biological spawn, therefore the infidelity of woman is considered to be a graver sin than that of men, as it can perhaps lead to the gravest of consequences: the duping of men into doing something altruistic that they can’t take credit for.

Furthermore, biological arguments are often made to justify men’s “greater lust.” Their uncontrollable horniness, which Western science has usually attributed to the natural physical or hormonal composition of men, makes them more “in need” of sexual stimulation. This can not be “their fault,” since it is reasoned that men can not be held responsible for the way they are biologically wired.# Though the science behind this argument is spurious, and culture has been proven to have a far greater influence on sexuality than biology, the assertion that men “need” to be more promiscuous, is used to justify their greater use of mistresses and prostitutes. Since science dictates that women are not as “naturally” horny as men are, wives are not allowed the same privileges of marital deviance as their husbands. Female sexuality outside the bond of marriage is held as a terrible sin, and biology is used as a tool in cohort with Patriarchal ideology to hold women responsible, to discipline, punish, and control her sexuality.

Most biologists throughout history have been men influenced by Judeo-Christian values. From physiology to psychology, most scientists throughout history have looked at women’s bodies with condescension and belittlement. They have been very wrongheaded in their research on women, the revision of which is still slowly taking place today, especially in the male-dominated field of psychology. For example, Victorian psychologists believed that women are never naturally horny, that sex is naturally objectionable and uncomfortable for all women, so that is why a wife should only naturally want to have sex her husband, as a conjugal duty. According to these Victorian “scientists,” any woman who feels any sexual desire is deviant and abnormal. This shows how Patriarchal psychology has not only failed to accurately portray women’s desires, but has also been used to prescribe to women what they ought to desire, pathologizing those who deviate from faulty clinical prescriptions. The overwhelming success of their exertions in actually determining women’s sexual behavior and self-conceptions during the Victorian Age further goes to show how sexuality is based more heavily in culture than on biology.

Prostitution has sometimes been defended by science as a “necessary evil” for men to “take out their energies” in a less emotionally exhausting way than getting involved in an affair. This argument frames prostitution as beneficial to the institution of marriage because paid sex work is assumed to pose a lesser risk to domestic union than an affair of the heart. However, women who are supposed to have no biological desires to stray from their marital vows, are not given the same access to outside sexual services. This is how some biologists explain why there exist far fewer giggolos in the world than female sex workers, but the increasing demographic of female consumers of porn, the fastest-growing niche in the industry, proves otherwise.

The invisible assertion in all spheres of society that sex should be available for free to men is founded on the fact that all work which traditionally belonged to women (mothering, housekeeping, and sex) were once considered the unquestionable property of men. Should women choose to take control of their own sexuality, to abstain from marriage, and use her sexual labor for her own purposes, she would be immediately castigated into the worst sectors of society, among the tramps, the whores, the witches, the spinsters, and the infertile: the socially marginalized. For she who performs sex outside of Patriarchal institutions of control is a social outcast at best, and an “evil” criminal with supernatural powers of “black magic,” punishable by death, at worst.

When a woman engages independently in sex work outside of marriage, she is undermining the sexual hegemony of men; thus the whore is a most dangerous threat to Patriarchy, because her independence from male monopoly undermines the most crucial building block of Patriarchal social units: the monogamous family in which the husband has an absolute right to his wife’s body, her sexual and reproductive labor. It is Adam’s God-given right over Eve, the ancestral disobedience of which is religiously constructed to be the reason for all humanity’s sufferings. The supreme threat of Eve’s attainment of sexual self-knowledge is suppressed with stigma and violence, and brainwashed with misogynist ideology in religion, science, and popular culture.

TWO.     RECONSTRUCTION OF THE ILLEGITIMATE WOMAN

All the “moral” arguments against prostitution are inconsistent, unjust towards sex workers, and oppressive for all women. Any thoughtful evaluation of the ethics of sex work would reveal that it is a victimless crime, a consensual exchange of sexual services, which does not deserve the same kind of punishment as harmful crimes. Conditions for prostitution are not alleviated by government legislation against it; rather, criminalization of prostitution only further pushes the industry underground, and harms sex workers by requiring them to work in worse conditions, under the influence of gangs, coercive pimps, and con-artists, without recourse to legal protection.

Many human rights activists who dedicate their efforts to stopping “sex trafficking” and sex slavery are misinformed about the nature of migratory sex work. Most woman who are “trafficked” into another country to work in the sex industry chose to do so willingly and knowingly, because this option pays so much better than the economic options available at home. Though these woman often face horrendous working conditions, are often tricked into debt enslavement, and are isolated in the double dangers of migratory labor in the black market, their lives are not improved by human rights “rescuers” and raids, that merely seize and deport these women, often causing them to be unable to pay off their debt to their traffickers or earn the amount of money they need to support their families. That is why most “rescued” and deported women try to sneak back into the country and try to work again as prostitutes, in order to send more remittances home.#

The best way to “rescue” women from the human rights atrocities of this informal market is to decriminalize prostitution and migration for sex work purposes. The hypocrisy of many “abolitionists” in the human rights movement against sex trafficking is that they are very loudly crusading against the trafficking of “innocent” women, the kind of woman sold into sex slavery who had previously been chaste, good, and absolutely unaware she would be working as a prostitute. These abolitionists who protest the horrible working conditions of migrant sex slaves turn a blind eye to the same conditions when they realize that the woman in question was a willing immigrant, and a willing sex worker. The rationale is that “if you knew what you were getting into, then you deserve what happens – sex work is dangerous and violent, and it should be.” What is their true humanitarian attitude towards woman if they believe that certain women deserve to be treated horrendously; that only wives and chaste women who follow the Patriarchal sexual code deserve basic human rights?#

Accepting money for sex is considered highly immoral, but for no rational or consistent reason except for the historical stigma placed on the prostitute to keep her down and isolated from the “good girls.” Wives were educated to know their place, to submit docilely and unquestioningly to their second class citizenship, their unpaid servant status, and historical social inferiority to fathers and husbands. The labor of women within the private sphere is considered natural and therefore not requiring pay: mothering, cooking, cleaning, managing the household, and engaging in sex with husbands.#  Since sex is “free” for married men within the traditional private sphere, it is assumed that sex should always be free for all men. Sex that is not free for men is thus constructed as immoral.

However, the mass entrance of women into the workplace blurs the lines between the private and public spheres. No longer are women exchanging domestic labor for economic dependency upon husbands; now, most women have a double burden of public work and assumed primary responsibility for housework. As first world women in cosmopolitan cities such as New York increasingly prioritize their careers over traditional “women’s work,” these services have been relegated to a servant class of nannies and housekeepers, mainly composed of immigrants and racial minorities.#  The problem is that “women’s work” are still not given equal status to work in the public sphere, and instead racial inequalities are underlined through globalization. However, with the increasing monetarization of other forms of women’s labor, why should sex work not follow the same global trends?

Sexuality is pervasive in our media-saturated society, and the widely accepted sexual norms among the younger generations is simply not what it used to be. Popular culture from hip hop music videos to reality TV shows fully embrace the sexual revolution. Promiscuity is the norm now rather than the exception. Furthermore, the sexualized images of women are used everywhere to sell everything from cars to cigarettes and toothpaste, so why should women be prevented from selling and profiting from their own sexuality, when every corporation that advertises anywhere seems to be profiting from women’s sexuality?

The question of changing gender and sexual norms, interacting with global Capitalist trends, are important to consider when evaluating the contemporary ethics of sex work.

Here are ten reasons that are most often given for why sex work is considered immoral:

1) Sex work is not real work. A prostitute is selling her body, which is the equivalent of slavery. Slavery of all kinds should be illegal.

2) Sex should only occur between people in love. It is too intimate an act to engage in with strangers, so prostitutes who have sex with strangers for money are perversifying something sacred.

3) Sex should only occur between married people for reproductive purposes. Engaging in extra-marital sex for pleasure is wrong because the Bible [or other religious authority] says so.

4) Everyone knows that a “loose” woman is an immoral woman.

5) Prostitutes are homewreckers. They are the natural competitors of wives. Since marriage is one of the most holy things in society, anything that harms marriage is immoral.

6) Prostitutes spread veneral disease, which is bad for the health of society. Prostitution is also tied to organized crime, drugs, and violence.

7) Girls all over the world are trafficked daily into sex slavery. This inhumane treatment should never be condoned. Anyone who engages in the sex industry is helping directly or indirectly to support the illegal sex trade worldwide.

8) Porn is harmful to society. Men who consume porn and other commercial sex come to believe that all women should behave like porn stars. These expectations are oppressive towards wives and other “good women” who are forced to compete with sex workers to live up to unhealthy or impossible bodily and behavioral standards.

9) Prostitution and pornography are inherently degrading towards women. They only exist because of an essential inequality between men and women, so making a profit from that inequality is anti-feminist, contrary to movements for social justice, and thus immoral.

10) Prostitutes harm themselves. The work they engage in is destructive to their emotions, and the easy money can be addictive, like a drug. They also destroy their future prospects, lose everyone’s respect in society, and harm their children who also have to deal with the stigma. Prostitution is immoral just like drugs are immoral, because it is bad for the practitioners, so prostitutes should be saved from their self-destructive habits.

A. The following pages contain critical analyses of each of the above accusations against sex work.

Reason #1.    Sex work is not real work. A Prostitute is selling her body, which is the equivalent of slavery. Slavery of all kinds should be illegal.

Some anti-prostitution theorists argue that sex work is “unskilled” work, therefore the only reason that sex workers are paid a disproportionately high “skilled workers’ wage” must be because they are selling their bodies in the exchange. On the contrary, almost any sex workers would argue that there is definitely a set of skills and knowledge that are required in order to practice “good business,” and the wage differential between “pros” and “newbies” testifies to that skill difference. Sexuality is a performance that prostitutes consciously engage in, and that requires physical and emotional investment. A sex worker “performs” the sexually-enticing role by taking on a certain appearance and set of behaviors. A prostitute is not selling her body, but is instead selling her emotional labor, which engages various parts of her body and mind. Though massage workers get paid for their bodily labor, and psychotherapists get paid for their emotional labor, most people refuse to acknowledge that sex work is also a form of emotional labor.# Sex work is both physically and emotionally taxing for the laborer as well as physically and emotionally rewarding for the client: thus, fitting the definition of a valuable exchange of service that deserves financial compensation.

Sex workers engage in highly intimate labor that can be unpleasant. Another way of understanding the sex worker unskilled labor “surplus” may be to consider their wage bonuses as being not unlike the high pay of American garbage collectors, whose incomes often exceed that of schoolteachers. In addition to dealing with clients who are unpleasant in physical or personality terms, sex workers also deal with “kinky” or unusual sexual desires of johns, many of whom are married and are unable to find appropriate satisfaction with wives. This is particularly true in the homosexual and transsexual sex markets, as well as professional Bondage/Domination/Sadomaschism industry, in which male clients pay to be dominated by a female “Mistress,” and in which no sexual services are performed, but the fantasy of female domination over the client is acted out for payment.

Economist Lena Edlund wrote in “A Theory On Prostitution,”# which was published in the Journal of Political Economy in 1992 that prostitutes are exchanging their marriage capital, or long-term support from a husband, for short-term advances of money from clients. By engaging in sex work, prostitutes trade off the possibility of a better marriage partner, assuming that many of the partners that may have once been available to the prostitute previous to engaging in sex work are now off-limits. This is a fairly rational assumption, although it is not without exceptions. There are many sex workers who are married with children, particularly among migrant workers who send remittances home to care for their children. Of the sex workers who are not married, many do eventually get married, and it is difficult to calculate whether their arrangements are hypothetically worse off than what they might have been able to procure if they were not engaged in sex work. For sex workers that engage in popular sex tourism destinations like Thailand or Dominican Republic, one of the primary goals of the sex workers is to find a client that they can marry, in order to be given better opportunities with citizenship in a first world country than any husband in their home countries would be able to provide. Therefore, Edlund’s assumption of marriage capital exchange lacks statistical proof and global analysis, though it remains a useful way of understanding how sex workers are trading off human capital for long-term gains in exchange for short-term profit.

Sociologist Catherine Hakim wrote recently in “Erotic Capital”# that women have more “erotic capital” than men do because it is easier for women than men to trade off their attractive physical qualities for financial benefits. She states that it is an example of Patriarchal oppression that men forbid women from using their greater resource, their erotic capital, in order to achieve economic gains. That is why there is stigma attached to women who accentuate their sexualities and attractiveness over “other qualities”: intellectual or manual that men also have. Though Hakim’s critique of the Patriarchal injunction against women’s utilization of their own sexuality, she may be mistaken in assuming that women necessarily have more erotic capital than men do. In her assessment of the different properties that make up an individual’s erotic capital, she includes cultural knowledge, social etiquette, and aesthetic tastes, which are indications of a woman’s class. However, she doesn’t acknowledge that the composition of a woman’s erotic capital and that of a man are inherently different and unequal in value. Physical attractiveness, the property that is most significant for a woman’s erotic capital, depreciates very quickly with age. However, for men, their physical attractiveness is not as significant as their social status in the market for sexuality and marriage, therefore, their erotic capital may actually increase with age. Therefore, though it may be argued that young women have more erotic capital than young men, over the course of a lifetime, men has as much or more erotic capital than women do. This is evidenced by the relative difficulty of women over the age of thirty-five in finding a marriage partner, whereas men have far less difficulty.

Lena Edlund touches upon this idea in her 2002 paper. She writes that because women are only fertile and attractive for a short period of their lives whereas men are fertile and socially-deemed attractive for a much longer period of their lives, that older men as well as young men all tend to go for young women, especially between the ages of twenty-five and thirty#, creating a natural scarcity that makes them more valuable in the erotic market during this short period of their lives. Thus, using Edlund’s analysis, combined with Hakim’s theory of “Erotic Capital,” it can be stated that when a woman who has greater erotic capital engages in sexual relations with a man who has lesser erotic capital, in terms of physical attractiveness or age, that difference can be made up for in other ways via financial remuneration.

In summary, here are ten rebuttals against the accusation that sex workers are not engaged in “real work” and therefore their earnings are immoral:

    1) Sex workers are in fact, engaged in emotionally and physically taxing work, that requires some level of skill. This skill can increase as a sex workers gains more experience in the industry, and is demonstrated in greater wages among more experienced sex workers who are independently in control of their business.

    2) Sexuality is a conscious performance that sex workers invest and engage in: they are not the sex objects they portray themselves to be, but are instead active agents taking on that role in exchange for financial remuneration. Therefore they are not selling “their bodies” but the performance of sexuality.

    3) The emotional and physical therapy that sex workers provide for their clients is a form of “emotional labor.” Emotional labor, such as nannying, housekeeping, nursing, primary school teaching, and prostitution, is often ignored as a form of legitimate work because it is stereotypically the work of women, which is considered natural and unpaid in the private sphere; therefore, the wages of all workers who engage in emotional labor tend to be lower than other workers. This is evidence of structural sexism in the labor markets.

    4) The work of sex workers can be sexually deviant or “kinky” so that clients are compelled to purchase it from a professional, as they find it difficult to find equivalent service with marriage partners or other potential partners in society.

    5) Some clients may also construe it to be cheaperto seek satisfaction in this way than to court an ordinary woman through dating and commitments of greater time and energy. Therefore, purchasing sexual services can be a highly rational choice for some clients, just as engaging in sex work for the surpluses involved can be a highly rational decision for sex workers.

    6) There are also some erotic performers and sex workers who consider their labor to be a form of “art,” another form of labor that can contribute highly to society but that exceeds the simplistic laws of the market and often goes unacknowledged and underpaid.

    7) The work that sex workers do can be very unpleasant, physically and emotionally. Therefore, sex workers are compensated extra for the discomfort of their work, much like garbage collectors. Further unpleasantness resulting from criminality due to illegal practice underground also artificially raises the price of sex work. Legalized prostitution, which eliminates some of the unpleasantness and risks involved in the business, also tends to decrease sex worker wages, therefore proving that sex workers are partially paid in compensation for the special difficulties of their work.

    8) Another way of looking at the service of sex work is to see it as an exchange of marriage capital. Prostitutes are being compensated for loss of certain marriage opportunities. This analysis, by economist Lena Edlund, is generally true to life, though there are many exceptions to this scenario in the globalized markets of sexual labor.

    9) Finally, a theory that this Man-i-Fiesta proposes is that prostitutes may be compensated for the difference between their erotic capital and that of their partner. If a young woman, who has high erotic capital in the sex and marriage markets due to natural scarcity, decides to engage in sexual relations with someone who has lower erotic capital, it is easy to find people who are willing to pay for the difference.

    10) Wage slavery exists all over the world, including debt slavery in the United States. Many argue that the unpaid domestic service of wives and mothers is a gendered form of slavery. The alienated labor of all people is exploitative and wrong, but sex work is not the only example of this kind of human slavery that continues to exist in various direct and indirect ways. The involuntary trafficking, forced labor, and inhumane working conditions of all workers is wrong, and should be eliminated. However, by conflating involuntary sex work with voluntary and consensual commercial sex, even well-intentioned human rights activists are inserting Patriarchal moral and/or religious biases to their proscribed “victims,” and diffusing the focus required for the reform of the truly criminal and unjust kinds of sex work.

Reason #2.   Sex should only occur between people in love. It is too intimate an act to engage in with strangers, so prostitutes who have sex with strangers for money are perversifying something sacred.

Our media-saturated society informs us also that “love” exists according to the portrayals of Hollywood romance, and that this “love” is sacred; that ideally, sex should only take place between people in love. This reflects a Western contemporary trend in the conception of “love,” which changes with time and culture, and the lines for appropriate sexual behavior have changed dramatically since the 1950’s. In contrast to the message of true love, the media also portrays steamy sex between movie stars that are engaging in sex just for the thrill of it, and sharing the pleasures with everyone through a twenty-foot screen.

Actors get paid for their sexual service, exchanged visually and contractually, and they are well compensated for their sexual superiority, their “erotic capital.” What is the difference between movie stars who have sex on screen and porn stars, whose on-screen sexual engagements are perhaps a bit more pronounced? And what is the difference between porn stars who perform for a camera and strippers who perform for a live audience? Finally, what is the “moral” difference between stimulating sexual arousal visually, through erotic performance, and engaging in the stimulation physically? Why is there a “moral” difference between Angelina Jolie’s sexual stimulation of men and women worldwide, and Angelina on the street corner waiting for a John or two to pass by?

Though selling sex “indirectly” through the medium of a camera lens is obviously quite different, experientially, from selling sex “directly” through physical contact, the fact remains that sexuality is being employed to gain profit, and the service of sexual arousal is being rendered and paid for. Thus speaking, those who profit the most from the sale of sex are corporations worldwide that force upon our visual mindscapes an endless stream of sexualized advertisements, which primarily make use of women’s bodies to gain profit. If the use of women’s sexuality as a means to service arousal, and the ideology of “love” itself, are used as means for most advertising businesses to gain income, then why should it be illegal or stigmatized for women to take agency of their own sexualities and utilize their own erotic capital and erotic skills to earn economic independence?

The sexualized images of women are used ubiquitously to oppress women; to demand that women discipline their bodies in ways that are appealing to the socially-prescribed male Gaze; to diet, shave, pluck, paint, and even nip/tuck every square inch of otherwise socially unacceptable bodies; to squeeze into painful attire and shoes; to be made to feel that chemical products are needed to enhance a naturally ugly, hairy, disproportionate, and otherwise unpleasant frame. And then, to depreciate in social power and erotic value every day of life past twenty-five; sometimes even to suffer plastic surgery, which can be a rational choice for many women, but still reflect immense gender injustice. Yet in spite of all these taxing self-improvements, women are still rendered incapable of using this tiresome and socially-enforced investment to empower themselves financially, except through marriage or commited relations with a man – Any rational and consistent thinker can see the moral injustice in this situation. It is not only unfair towards women; it is plain absurd.

Furthermore, the construction of “intimacy” is personal and differs from person to person, and from encounter to encounter. People can have certain sexual exchanges that are intimate and “sacred” in nature while also have others that are simply physically indulgent, even within the same relationship. Therefore to rule that all sexuality is “too intimate” for selling, is to imply that an individual can not make conscious decision how to engage in or interpret their specific sexual behaviors. This is objectionable on the grounds of intruding on emotional self-determination and diversity. Since intimacy is a private feeling by definition, shouldn’t each person be allowed to judge for him or herself what is or isn’t “too intimate”?

With the change in our modern sexual values due to the popularization of birth control and the Sexual Revolution of the 1960s, it is not uncommon for someone to seek a sexual partner in a bar or over the internet. Having sex with strangers, multiple strangers, seems to be the norm rather than the exception nowadays, as portrayed in the popular media. Therefore, the added injunction that promiscuity is not okay when money is involved in the exchange is a moral hypocrisy that infringes on civil liberties.

Reason #3.    Sex should only occur between married people for reproductive purposes. Engaging in extra-marital sex for pleasure is wrong because the Bible [or other religious authority] says so.

When women do not have access to birth control and abortion services, they suffer a much higher risk of being punished for sexual engagement with men because of the possibility of childbirth; therefore, before the advent of the above technologies, only having sex in the protective economic relationship of marriage makes a good deal of sense. Having sex only for reproductive purposes also makes a certain amount of sense in a Protestant, work-centered way. Having too much sex can take away from productivity, the same as engaging in any non-work-or-family-related leisure activity. However, human beings are different from other animals in that we do take pleasure from sexual activity, and given the amount of leisure time that many modern human beings are lucky to have, it is somewhat tyrannical to dictate what naturally-inclined activities are allowable for that period of leisure. Sex confined only to the boundaries of marriage is not only a media double-standard in contemporary society, but it is also a historical double standard, as people have always engaged in pre-marital and extra-marital affairs throughout human history across all different cultures, with some settings being more tolerant of such behavior than others.

However, it is impossible to make any argument against those who adhere strictly to religion. Their arguments are based on faith and not logic, on specialized interpretations perceived ancient texts and not on easily perceivable realities. There are ways to argue for various behaviors within the traditions of different religions, but the author is currently unable to engage in this kind of analysis, and does not feel it is particularly productive for the purposes of this publication, since religious arguments against female sexual self-determination are irrational, unscientific, and inherently inconsistent.

Reason #4.     Everyone knows that a “loose” woman is an immoral woman.

Like those who argue Reason #3, people who satisfy themselves with shaky and simplistic arguments that begin with “everyone knows” are also relying on blind faith and lack independent strength of mind. The Madonna/Whore sexual double standard between men and women is something that everyone knows about too. And where does it derive from? What is its moral basis? Is it fair? The rebuttal to this reasoning has already been stated, previously in the publication.

Reason #5.   Prostitutes are homewreckers. They are the natural competitors of wives. Since marriage is one of the most holy things in society, anything that harms marriage is immoral.

The prostitute is certainly competing with the wife for sexual access to her husband. Although for most men who purchase commercial sex, it is not for the sexual alacrity of the wife that the man indulges in paid extra-marital sex. The prostitute is also not usually portrayed as “the other woman,” the terrible mistress who seduces a man to leave his wife. Rather, the prostitute is often a temporary substitute who the client does not intend on ever marrying. The married client indulges in sexual relations with the prostitute while respecting his wife’s reign over all other aspects of the household, and thus, it is sometimes said that prostitutes “save marriages” by being a safe outlet for sexual energies that might otherwise be diverted to more threatening, and more permanent mistresses. Furthermore, it is not provable that prostitution hurts marriages more than other factors. Do marriages begin to fall apart when men consult prostitutes or do men more frequently begin consult prostitutes when marriages are already falling apart from external factors? As of yet, there are no academic studies on this question.

The monogamous family is the cellular building block of contemporary society. Therefore, undermining the family is dangerous for social order. However, the current institution of marriage is not inclusive of everyone’s desired family constructions. Legal marriage, which used to be an exclusively religious institution, discriminates heavily against certain family formations: that of homosexual couples, and polygamous or collective families. The decision to live in partnership, and/or raise a child, is a personal decision that needs to be consensual among all members of the partnership. However, there is no reason to assume that an alternative family arrangement would be worse, biologically or psychologically, for a child, apart from the stigma that society imposes on these relationships. Matrilineal and matrilocal familial arrangements have existed throughout human history, including societies without fathers, such as the Na people of China, who for thousands of years raised their children under the care of the mother and her kin, by uncles and grandmothers, in a happy arrangement that the people continue to take pride in, where free engagement in sexuality is the norm.

The traditional monogamous marriage as well as polygynous marriages took shape under a Patriarchal social order that was oppressive to women, and amendments to allow women more rights in the public sphere fail to completely account for all the gender injustices within the family. With the steady rise of divorce rates worldwide in parallel with the empowerment and education of women, there are reasons to believe that the traditional model of marriage may not be good for all people, especially women and homosexuals. Is it necessarily wrong then, to bring to question the cultural hegemony of such an institution? Can we conceive of a society that would be better off by allowing every individual the liberty to choose whatever family formations provide the best utility for them, whether it be with a partner of the same sex, or with multiple couples and generations living together to mutually ensure well-being in the public and private realms of workplace and household?

In conclusion, not only is it unjustified to call all prostitutes “homewreckers,” but the very institution of marriage on which contemporary society is built may not be optimal for human welfare. Further discussion on the political economy of alternative family arrangements are included in chapter three.

Reason #6.   Prostitutes spread venereal disease, which is bad for the health of society. Prostitution is also tied to organized crime, drugs, and violence.

Case after case in the U.S., Africa, Europe, Asia, and Australia indicate that prostitutes do not necessarily spread venereal disease more than other sectors of society.# They do not deserve to be targeted with this stigma while their clients go unpunished. Nobody wants sexually transmitted diseases, least of all sex workers; and inadvertently catching a venereal disease because of the nature of working conditions does not make a sex worker immoral but an unfortunate sick person. Therefore, adequate health care needs to be provided for those who are identified as at greater risk for illness.

Furthermore, sex workers need to be empowered to be able to say no to clients who refuse to use a condom. Currently, legal protections in the United States do not allow sex workers to sue for client non-compliance or even rape, because prostitution itself is illegal though understood and accepted by law enforcement to be ubiquitous underground. The most effective ways to fight the incidence of std’s within the sex worker population is to provide for better, non-stigmatized health care options, as well as give prostitutes the legal right to enforce the use of birth control, or it would be natural for sex workers to turn to pimps and members of organized crime to seek protection that the law does not provide.

Because of social stigma and criminalization, sex workers tend to float into the margins of society, where poverty, organized crime, drugs, and violence are present. Whether they began within that sector of society, and were drawn into prostitution due to involvement with one of the other factors, or whether they first began sex work without any involvement with drugs or organized crime, the marginalization of sex workers creates higher incidence of concomitance.

However, this concurrence of the victimless crime of prostitution and the more harmful criminal behaviors such as drugs and gang violence need not exist. Currently sex workers are simply not legitimate or well-respected members of society, therefore, they will go where the most outcast and marginalized members of society go. If attitudes towards sex work change, the industry itself will change rapidly for many people involved. It will also provide opportunities for sex workers currently involved with the most criminal sectors of the business to switch to healthier work environments.

Decriminalizing and destigmatizing sex work is the most effective way to reduce harm for sex workers and society at large.

Reason #7.   Girls all over the world are trafficked into sex slavery. This inhumane treatment should never be condoned. Anyone who engages in the sex industry is helping directly or indirectly to support the illegal sex trade worldwide.

Any sex that is not consensually agreed upon should never be condoned: rape and sexual slavery are crimes against womanhood and humanity. However, it is important not to conflate consensual sex work with coerced sexual labor. The selling of sexual services, by itself, when freely and consciously chosen by the worker, is not a form of slavery.

There are many types of labor oppression all over the world, from debt peonage to working conditions that are destructive to worker health and exploitative wages that are below minimum subsistence levels. Sex workers, like all poor people all over the world, are subject to the oppressions of poverty and inequality of opportunity. Their choice to better these conditions for themselves or for their families, whether through sex work or another low-skill job, is a rational choice, based on available income opportunities, and should be respected. Human rights activists who advocate for “innocent” “sex slaves” but refuse to help willing prostitutes, are blind to the realities of the global sex industry, and disrespectful of women’s right to self-determination. They also make it more difficult for policy to be researched and passed that would target the problem and provide effective solutions.

Reason #8.   Porn is harmful to society. Men who consume porn and other commercial sex come to believe that all women should behave like porn stars. These expectations are oppressive towards wives and other “good women” who are forced to compete with sex workers to live up to unhealthy or impossible bodily and behavioral standards. 

Some feminists such as Andrea Dworkin and Catherine MacKinnon are strongly opposed to pornography on the grounds that it objectifies women and causes social harm by changing men’s sexual expectations of women. The also argue that since men are generally the “buyers” of sexual services and women or gay men are generally the “sellers,” that this proves all sex work is inherently sexist. Because sex work exists on the basis of gender inequality, they believe it is due to the sexual power of men over women (and gay men) that men are able to “buy sex” from those who are inferior. Thus, participating in sex work or utilizing one’s sexuality in any way to one’s benefit, from porn to trophy-wifery to flirting with the boss, is all “anti-feminist” behavior, literally “sleeping with the enemy,” since any kind of deployment of sexuality is considered by these feminists to be engaging in an act that is inherently unjust and gender-oppressive.

The problem with this argument is that it confuses the correlation of gender/sexual inequality/oppression with the causation of that inequality. The reason why there are so few men working in the sex industry as giggolos is simply because an adequate market does not exist for them. If one existed, there would surely be more giggolos. The reason for this imbalanced market is due to the oppression of Patriarchal sexual values, which teaches women that it is wrong to pay attention to our sexual desires, and wrong to “sleep around,” because our desires are inherently “dirty.” Another reason for the underractive giggolo industry is that women, as wives, have traditionally depended on men for financial security, so we have not historically had much in the way of dispensable for purchasing sex from other men. Stigmatization of female sexual desire, historical economic oppression of wives, and the gender inequality in erotic capital in favor of men: these are the real reasons why there are more female and gay male sex workers than straight male prostitutes; if economic and cultural conditions were different, women would be just as likely to be sex “buyers.”  It’s conceivable that as gender and sexual values continue to change, there will be greater equalization in the availability of sexual services for men and women.

The increasing availability of porn via internet, and the sexualization of all popular media, is definitely pushing a universal revolution in our sexual culture. Every person who views the media is influenced by these images, except for those who are most stringently protected in traditionalism. Due to the globalizing cultural hegemony of American Hollywood and the consumer lifestyle it promotes, this sexual revolution is permeating worldwide. Sex sells, beyond the pages of pornography, in every subway advertisement and radio tune. Expectations of sex have changed for everyone.

Whether the images in pornography are especially oppressive towards women as compared to the images of anorexic supermodels in glossy magazines, and the photoshopped faces on TV, is unclear. These are two forms types of gendered bodily discipline that both exert an unhealthy, self-effacing force upon women, who are forced to live up to oppressive expectations, whether in the bedroom or the classroom. Regardless, it is not the fault of any one woman or man, who participates in either the production or consumption of pornography, that these commercial demands and social values for beauty and sexuality exist. Rather each individual in pornography or the sex industry at large enters a pre-existing culture and industry, deciding for her or himself in what manner she or he shall participate, with an understanding that the standards are not created by the individual but by some invisible market hand.

For a model or entertainer who uses her body to earn a living and depends on adherence to strict cultural codes of beauty to survive, it is both empowering and oppressive to participate in an industry that disciplines the body in a gender-discriminant manner. Though it can surely be argued that the structure itself is oppressive on an aggregate scale for all women, the individual woman who is able to tailor herself to these standards can gain a sense of personal self-empowerment through participation. She may or may not be conscious of the greater gender oppression that underlines her choices; if she is not conscious or in agreement, then she can not be blamed for some “betrayal” of the ideology of women’s advancement as defined by other women; however, if she is conscious of this inherent oppression, she may also use this consciousness to create a separation between her whole self and the performance of socialized sexuality that she temporarily engages in for profit. By being aware of the way in which oppressive expectations are laid upon her, yet choosing to adhere to it, aware of the falsity yet necessity of her compliance, she can instead subvert that oppression by choosing her manner of participation in it, reclaim it for herself, taking all temporary cultural values with a grain of salt by re-negotiating the individual power dynamics of her social reality.

It seems rather unlikely that a Prohibitionist approach to addressing the problem of ubiquitous Capitalist pornography, such as the one proposed by Dworkin, MacKinnon, and some other feminists, will be effective in solving the problem of an increasingly sexualized culture. As Foucault famously stated in his History of Sexuality, the ostensive repression of sexual discourse only serves to strengthen it in other, less overt channels.

Rather than focusing on Prohibition, a greater equality between the sexes may be reached if women too embraced their sexualities and used their purchasing power to garner their own niches within the sexual markets, as they already have begun to do. Women are now the fastest growing demographic in consumers of pornography. Furthermore, independent and self-published “alternative” pornography that is conscious and self-determined, is available, including the self-made pornos of sex-positive feminist sex workers. These could be promoted as a more socially-conscious erotica choice, and the pornography itself can be an art form for the expression of a more progressive set of values.

It is not logical to accuse porn stars and prostitutes of oppressing wives and “good girls” by complying to the sexual standards that clients are demanding. What is oppressive are the standards themselves; and the way to overcome them requires first that women take a more thorough look at the gender-discriminant forces that shape these images, and realize that their objections are shaped by a Patriarchal morality that is oppressive towards all women. The Patriarchal division of sexual/delegitimized women and “pure”/legitimate women is the greatest barrier to women’s freedom and equality. Feminists need to stop bashing and abusing other women who are freely choosing for themselves.

What is a feminist but a woman of courage and independent choice? Look at Annie Sprinkle and Margo St. James: this is what a feminist looks like.

Reason #9.    All prostitution and pornography are inherently degrading towards women. So making a profit from that degradation is anti-feminist, inherently contrary to movements for social justice, and thus immoral. 

Continuing on with the argument stated from Reason #8 above, it is unfortunate that as of today, most feminists and human rights workers are morally opposed to sex work. As commonly stated in feminist literature, there is a general “intuition” that all sex work is inherently degrading to the worker. However, who is the one doing the act of degrading? Where does that attitude come from? Why does it matter?

Is sex work really inherently degrading? Unless all sexual acts are inherently degrading for women, there’s no consistent reason to believe why performing the same act without payment is less degrading than accepting money for that act. There are some who believe that all sexual acts are “dirty” for women, and thus degrading, but that correlates to the sexual double standard previously stated. What is it about the acceptance of payment in exchange for valued services that “degrades” the woman more than the man, besides the social stigma attached to prostitution, which we have already stated is rooted in Patriarchal oppression and the Patriarchal gaze?

Laura Mulvey, the film critic, wrote about the “male gaze,” as that which is socially forced upon women in such a ubiquitous way that its biases become invisible. The protagonist of most films and stories throughout human history are men; and the objects of gaze, upon which the camera literally stops, ever-taking the point of view of the male gazer, have usually been women. In a society dominated by the visual medium, we have all internalized the male gaze, and as women, we have forgotten how it is to look at each other as we once did as girls, because we have so internalized the gendered lens.

Let’s engage in a thought experiment. Let’s suppose first and foremost that the sex worker herself does not feel degraded by her work, because she is a conscious laborer, and a proud sex-positive feminist. Then, let’s suppose that it is only the client who finds her work degrading. Can a sex worker engage in this business transaction now in a non-self-degrading way? That is to say, does degradation lie in the eye of the beholder or in the self-esteem of the beholden? If the sex worker herself does not feel degraded by her work, then isn’t it a form of social violence to undermine her self-determination in favor of the judgment of the client or complete outsider?

According to sex-work author and activist Wendy Chapkis, it is very possible, and in fact, necessary for survival in the sex industry that workers disengage their self-perceptions and self-esteem from the appraisal of clients who come from all different backgrounds with different attitudes towards their own involvement in commercial sex. This is a form of emotional labor that sex workers need to do, in preparation and aftercare, in order to negotiate the emotional boundaries of her line of work, and firmly establish her subjective agency underneath the sexual objectivization of her clients, through the impression which she performs and controls consciously. In a autoethnographic piece entitled “Stripper,” college feminist and sex worker Debbi Sandal wrote about how she subverted the gaze of the male client, and reclaimed her own space, agency, and definition within the act of commercial sex in the sex-worker collectivized Lusty Lady Theater of San Francisco:

“The hardest part of the job was dealing with my feminist principles concerning the objectification of women. Dancing nude is the epitome of woman as sex object. As the weeks passed, I found I liked being a sex object, because the context was appropriate. I resent being treated as a sex object on the street or at the office. But as an erotic dancer, that is my purpose. I perform to turn you on, and if I fail, I feel I have done a poor job. Women who work in the sex industry are not responsible for, nor do they in any way perpetuate, the sexual oppression of women. In fact, to any enlightened observer, our very existence provides a distinction and a choice as to when a woman should be treated like a sex object and when she should not be. At the theater, yes; on the street, no. Having the distinction so obviously put out at work, I felt more personal power on the street.”

Through stripping, Sundhahl exercises her feminism by constructing a space between her performative self, which her male clients objectify, and her whole conscious self. This performance is an imitation of what Sundahl imagines to be sexual demand of the client, and is not truly a reflection of herself, therefore by engaging in the performance of sexual “degradation,” she is actually subverting it by creating distance and controlling it. Sundahl shows that sex worker who understands that sexuality is performed and adopted, is more empowered to combat against the ubiquitous degradation of the male gaze in all of society, than the inexperienced woman who believes that her sexuality is somehow tied to her essential qualities and value as a person.

I argue that this performance, since it is an adaptation of the script provided by the assumed sexual fantasies of the client, is thus only outwardly degrading insofar as it is defined as such by the client. Therefore, it is only truly degrading if the sex worker herself believes it to be so.

If society deems sex work to be degrading and deems sex to be dirty, then a good sex worker, performing her job in a professional manner, needs to adopt that social interpretation if that is what is required to turn a client on. So if sex work is “degrading,” society is to blame, and not the sex worker. The only reason why an act of sexual service might be “degrading” is because the client who pays for it believe it to be so; thus, by professional standards, a sex worker must perform the service to the expectations and values of the client, and the social expectations around her. She is paid for that performance. When a client is respectful and does not deem the transaction to be degrading, then a professional sex worker would act accordingly as well, with greater dignity on the outside; but again, in the same way, the true state of her “degradation” is also reliant only on her own interpretation. When it comes to sex work, all external “degradation” or lack thereof is defined by the client and society as a whole, and merely reflected by the sex worker as a professionally-rendered service that requires investment and skill. But it is not necessarily, or usually, the self-interpretation of the sex worker. And ultimately, for any true feminist, it is the interpretation of the sex worker that counts.

Sex-negative feminists who state that sex work degrades all women, and accuse sex workers of “sleeping with the enemy,” are not understanding this performative leap between self-understanding, self-portrayal, and male perception. They may be too indoctrinated under Patriarchal values to be able to separate their own self-perceptions from that of the male gaze. They need to work on building their feminist consciousness with regard to sexuality, for if their efforts to fight for women’s equality results in their upholding of Madonna/Whore divisions, they are the ones embracing the most harmful foundations of Patriarchy and “sleeping with the enemy.”

Reason #10.   Prostitutes hurt themselves. The work they engage in is destructive to their emotions, and the easy money can be addictive, like a drug. They also destroy their future prospects, lose everyone’s respect in society, and harm their children who also have to deal with the stigma. Prostitution is immoral just like drugs are immoral, because it is bad for the practitioners, so prostitutes should be saved from their self-destructive habits.

Yes, marginalized cultures hurt. People on the outskirts of society: the impoverished, the pariah, the criminal, the mentally ill, the physically disabled, the drug-dependent, are all people who do not fit well into mainstream society, and may find instead on the darker fringes of social life, a rougher way of being. Yes, sex work among those spheres tend to hurt.

Others argue that all sex work must inherently hurt because sexual intimacy is so “sacred” that repeated “violation” must be damaging (to the woman worker). There is obvious bias in these statements. Wendy Chapkis wrote in Live Sex Acts about the way in which sex workers can and do exercise a certain emotional disengagement from particular sexual performances in order to preserve their emotional integrity. On one hand, this kind of emotional self-alienation can also be construed as “harmful” to the prostitute because it is a form of self-alienation. On the other hand, the fact that sex workers can and must engage in a form of emotional self-care, in addition to a therapeutic caring work for the client, proves first, that sex workers are performing a real service that requires both their bodies and also their hearts and minds; and two, that sex workers can create conditions for labor that minimizes harm to themselves; thus, they have, at least, the agency to reduce their victimhood, if not eliminate it altogether, contrary to the assertions of many anti-prostitution abolitionists.

Furthermore, a kind of emotional disengagement is required in all emotionally taxing labor; in fact, the common definition of “professionalism” in modern Capitalism is precisely the ability to “disengage your emotions from your professional attitude,” and to do a standardly good job no matter how terribly you feel. Is the emotional labor in sex work, this kind of “professionalism,” actually very different from the acting that entertainers, waitresses, and bankers do?

Though the emotional self-alienation of sex workers is a real factor of harm for many, it is not the sexual act itself that is emotionally damaging so much as the value that the sex worker attaches to the act. Most sex workers carry the same moral attitudes and stigmas that have been socialized into all women. Sex work hurts most because it is stigmatized, because it is looked down upon, even by the sex worker herself. Women who are already looked down upon, already on the margins of society, are also more likely to engage in sex work. This causes a feedback loop in a downward spiral of social esteem among economically and socially disadvantaged women. Like any other activity that is practiced foolishly, without careful deliberation and planning, sex work that is practiced poorly, with emotional carelessness or self-loathing, can be extremely destructive to sex workers.

But should sex workers be automatically prohibited from practice, just like drug-users? Firstly, the social stigma that exists against sex work already constitutes a strong persuasion for most people not to enter the profession, so the additional legal barrier seems likely to only cause more public cost without much greater benefit to anyone. Secondly, even if can be proven that prostitution is absolutely always harmful to practitioners, it is still more legally sound to protect the civil liberties of the individual and right to self-determination, even to protect one’s right to harm oneself. However, the latter statement does not coincide with the way U.S. law functions when it comes to addressing many personal issues, like injunctions against euthanasia and taxation on cigarettes. Thus, though it may seem undemocratic, it would not be against legal precedence for the U.S. to outlaw sex work on the basis that it is bad for the workers themselves.

That would actually be one of the most humane and unprejudiced reasons to outlaw prostitution. But the argument of self-harm is not the argument that is usually used in most human rights debates against prostitution. In addition to the normal moral criticisms, whether directly stated or implicitly followed, anti-prostitution “abolitionists” argue that every sex worker is a slave. They believe that all sex workers are either coerced in sex labor physically via kidnapping or economically via poverty; therefore, their argument against prostitution is not based so much on the poor working conditions currently in the trade, which are specific to particular times, policies, and sexual sociopolitical climates, but based on the essentialized victimhood of all sex workers, which is made to seem unalterable.

But the “economic coercion” argument that abolitionists make is faulty when exclusively applied to sex work; sex workers who choose their occupation rationally as their best possible option, of which comprises the majority of those wrongly believed to be “trafficked” or “enslaved,” are not anymore “economically coerced” into their labor than some of their neighbors who may have chosen to perform a lower-paying wage job such as factory labor. Both are being forced into terrible working conditions; both conditions can greatly harm the health of the workers in question. But the sex worker has decided that the tradeoffs of the sex industry are of greater utility to her than working longer hours for lower pay in a factory. Nevertheless, she came from the same background of economic coercion via poverty as some others who did not become sex workers; therefore her becoming a sex worker must be a result of her choice, her agency, rather than pure external coercion, as anti-prostitution advocates often argue, illogically. In so doing, these abolitionists refuse to acknowledge the agency of sex workers, and the admirable courage and determination that many sex workers must cultivate in order to go against social norms and take immense risks to survive, relying on herself and often only herself.

If these abolitionists were able to acknowledge that the current situation for sex workers is indeed generally oppressive, but that this is due to current legal and cultural interpretations of sex work rather than the essential nature of the work itself, then they would see that the way to fight these conditions is to repeal the laws that criminalize prostitution; that it would only exacerbate harm towards sex workers to try to fight these conditions with more abolitionist laws.

Furthermore, abolitionists also refuse to recognize the desires of the prostitute. It is sometimes of desire and enjoyment for some sex workers in the industry; but because female sexual enjoyment is still so taboo and morally-tainted in our Patriarchal value system, the possibility of emotional and sexual fulfillment for a sex worker through her job is often considered impossible, or at least very exceptional. This silences the very real beliefs that many sex workers actually do hold. Though sex work is not easy labor, many sex workers do nevertheless enjoy it, and prefer it to whatever other work available; some even believe it is a sort of “calling,” a special talent that they feel they are best at using and most enjoy developing.# The possible desirability of sex work is considered to be so far from the standard social construction of female sexuality, that it is absurd. But in reality, it is not very absurd at all, and in fact, most voluntary sex workers do agree that they take at least some pleasure in their work.

Stereotypes that sex workers must only be engaged in prostitution because of drug addiction or enslavement to an abusive trafficker or economic circumstance, deny the possibility that sex work might be enjoyable for some people in and of itself. Many sex workers from both the first and third world interpret their experience in the industry to be empowering rather than emotionally destructive. Thus, finally, and most importantly, it is not factually correct to state that sex work is by definition destructive towards all practitioners. Since value varies according to experience, sex work should not be outlawed like drugs. Many woman do become better off due to a brief stint in sex work; for most women, it is not a long-term career or identity, but a few occasional encounters to supplement other work in a difficult life, and many sex workers, particularly those in sex tourism hot spots like Thailand or the Dominican Republic, use sex work to gain citizenship and a demonstrably better life abroad. They are no different from “paper brides” who engage in the same kind of tradeoff long-term, and are not considered illegal.

The children of prostitutes are indeed often hurt by social stigma towards their mothers and themselves, but once again, the problem is the stigma, not prostitution itself. Personal stories by the children of women from SANGRAM, a sex workers’ collective in India, demonstrate that many children grow up to appreciate their mothers’ sacrifice and suffering and become some of the strongest advocates for sex worker rights.# There are many people in the world who engage in lifestyles that may be harmful to their children, but it is not right to forbid them from exercising their liberties based on that assumption alone.

The better question to ask is not whether or not sex workers are hurt by the industry of sex work as it exists today: yes, they are. But so are sweat shop laborers, and in fact, many prostitutes go into sex work to escape the worse oppression of more economically exploitative wage labor. The bigger question to ask is what are better measures to help sex workers and all people on the margins of every society live a more dignified life? This Man-I-Fiesta attempts one solution to this question in Chapter Three, Section C.

B.    Psychology of the John: The Evolution of Confining Masculinity

    Men also suffer from confining gender roles. In fact, in modern American society, it can be argued that the gendered expectations of being a man are stricter and more confining than that of being a woman, and men who break away from the macho, masculine image pay a heavy, physical price than women do for gender deviance. American men, who are afraid of wearing short shorts, afraid to cry or express any emotional vulnerability, afraid to hug other men, for fear of appearing “gay” in any way, are afraid because the price of being weak is especially costly for men. Since men are often not socially permitted to openly express or explore these gendered fears, they often must channel their frustrations in one of a few acceptable, “manly” channels: brotherhood, violence, group-rallied sexuality, and self-destructive machoism – thus, the common makeup of a dingy strip bar.

    Traditional masculinity is burdensome, and the burden is placed without free choice, based on biological sex rather than chosen gender. Just as stereotypical female gender expectations are oppressive, so are traditional expectations of masculinity: to be tough, successful breadwinners, to ask for dates and pay too, and to be the leaders of families, able to provide as wealthy a lifestyle as possible. These social expectations, which boys deal growing up, can lead to strong feelings of anxiety and inadequacy among those who fail to live up to the standards. Since many distressed men feel they can’t easily talk about their problems with anyone the way women are allowed, a more popular outlet for the troubled male is the performance of exaggerated masculinity in the rough use of alcohol, drugs, and participation in gangs – which men engage in at far greater rates than women.

    Older men, who may be doing measurably successfully, may also seek bars and sex venues for gender-acceptable emotional release. Sometimes they are looking for a thrill, and other times calming comfort. When older, married men feel they can not express their feelings of dissatisfaction to their wives, who expect them to be strong and resilient breadwinners, nor to their buddies who loathe vulnerability in other men as much as in themselves, they may choose to express their feelings sexually, with great macho thrust. Thus, prostitutes have always been men’s greatest psychotherapists.

    Therefore, as many sex workers often note, many of their male clients are not looking for mere sexual release but desire an emotional connection that is secretive and disposable.

    The socially constructed role of Prostitute provides a unique value to the socially constructed role of Man. She exerts no pressure on him to prove his masculinity, but is exclusively interested in confirming it. She demands far less from him than the Wife does: neither proof of economic reliability and social success, nor emotional attachments and behavioral requirements. She is there exclusively to help him reach sexual pleasure, and she will even fake her own to make him feel more sexually potent. She does not care if he engages in sexual relations with other women. She does not bear his children and would not be able to hold him responsible for a child’s upbringing if one is created.

     Sex workers are often band-aids for wounded masculinity. In this sex-obsessed culture, sexuality has become the ultimate proving ground for men, as further witnessed by recent viagra and penis-enhancement’s increases in subscription across many generations of men.# Thus, it’s a sport that many men engage in to validate their manhood. Sex workers can easily and conveniently provide such a thrill. In an age of changing gender norms, some men may take relief in seeing women perform the stereotypical and subordinate roles of sexually objectified womanhood they secretly, sometimes misogynistically, fantasize, perhaps in response to threatening competition with women in all other areas of life.

#  Men who seek escape from confining masculinity also often feel safer when doing so through the anonymous and non-commital purchase of sexual service. That is why there is a far greater proportion of “kinky” and non-heteronormative sexual engagements in the sex industry than estimated for the general population. Firstly, a fairly large portion of New York City sex workers are rent-boys, who sometimes see clients who are not yet open to others about their homosexuality. The term “fag,” meaning both gay and effeminate, is one of the worst slanders that boys can call each other, and they are taught from an early age to resist at all costs any behaviors that put the masculinity to question. Secondly, there is also a great percentage of transgendered people in commercial sex, who find a niche market eager to engage their service. Due to the varying degrees of success that the trangendered have in passing off as the opposite gender as their biological sex, many find it more difficult to find work, and consequently find the opportunities offered by the sex industry to be most welcoming. Finally, men who seek domination by women through Bondage/Domination/Sadomasochism (BDSM services) are seeking escape from confining masculinity. In New York City, the demographic of men who most frequently use BDSM services are, not surprisingly, the most powerful men of the city: often lawyers, corporate CEO’s, and other high-powered officials, who tire of the pressures of their offices, and seek relief from masculine expectations through submission to playful gender reversal. Thus the unique offerings of the sex industry offer a sort of sanctuary to men who deviate from heteronormative masculinity or seek relief from its performance.

    On the other hand, there is an element of power and dominance that a client may crave when he purchases sex. Some clients do take a covert or overt pleasure in objectifying and degrading the sex worker, which may be rooted in a feeling of fear and hatred towards all women, exacerbated by changing gender roles. Thus, the urgent, male-dominated voice of media over-sexuality may be one way in which men try to maintain dominance by controlling women through sexual evaluation. Another way for men to maintain their feelings of gender superiority may be seeking contact with sources of more traditional female roles as sex workers. With changing constructions of gender roles, contemporary men often feel somewhat threatened by capable women who often outcompete them in the workplace as well as at home. Since women work just as men do, there is greater importance placed on men today than in past generations to be both physically attractive and economically successful, as demonstrated by the greater consumption of male botox in Europe#, and increasing purchase of various sexual enhancements. There are also higher incidences of male bachelorhood in modern society, along with female single motherhood, as more and more men find they are unable to attract or keep a partner in the dating market. In this age of fast change, sex work sometimes fills that gap the unfinished gender revolution leaves wide open.

    Each john is each unique in his motivations for purchasing sex. Some simply enjoy the pleasures of promiscuity and access to variety. Others enjoy the symbolism of exercising their purchasing power, which underlines their wealth and sense of accomplishment. There are many who seek escape from dissatisfying marriages bound by responsibility towards children. And there are also many uncommitted men who meet and come to enjoy a special relationship with a certain sex worker, and seek to continually build a wonderful and sincere bond. There is no way to generalize the typical client, just as there is no way to generalize the typical sex worker.

    However, both the client and the sex worker can recognize that restrictive gender roles and rules for sexuality and marriage are cracking under the pressures of enormous social change, and currently contribute significantly to a mutual sense of dissatisfaction, which the sex worker and client can alleviate via mutual exchange. To a certain extent, both johns and prostitutes are stigmatized for engaging in commercial sex, though the john is not punished as severely as the prostitute in the U.S. Therefore, clients can and ought to be allies to sex workers in the movement for sex worker rights, by defending the right to sexual self-determination and the decriminalization of commercial sex. Clients can also choose to purchase the services of conscientious, independent, and self-empowered sex workers, and engage in a more conscious form of sex consumerism. They can lobby for legislation alongside sex workers and support the movement in any variety of ways.

    When a conscious, self-empowered sex worker meets an enlightened john who respects and honors her lifestyle choices, it is a relationship to be cherished. For each recognizes the alternative sexuality of the other, and allows for that freedom.

    The moralistic attitudes towards female sexual propriety are vestiges of a patriarchal system of gender relations, which confines both men and women, and often causes much pain and sacrifice. These traditional gender values remain strong in modern society in spite of the recent liberalization of cultural attitudes towards sex in the 1960’s, and the clash and hypocrisy between new and old is extremely confusing for young people growing up in this age. We live in a half-way revolution, where material and social structures have changed significantly but cultural attitudes are still evolving; and we have a long way to go.

C.    What’s Wrong with Tradition? (The Reverse Argument)

    Strict gender roles that dictate a woman’s place in the home and a man’s place at the workplace limits individual choice, and reduces the optimal use of human talents. If an intelligent woman can contribute significantly to the public sphere, she should be allowed to do so, or society suffers the loss of her capacities; likewise, if a nurturing man prefers to be a stay-at-home dad, he should be encouraged to do so without stigma, or the family and society at large would suffer from the loss of his care. A libertarian outlook on gender roles would be to allow individuals to define and perform whichever gendered traits allows them the greatest happiness.

    However, are there biological constraints on how much a person’s gender can be freely chosen and performed? Are there biological benefits to the traditional model of the family? How did traditional gender roles evolve? What purposes did they serve? Is there an intrinsic value in the stability of adhering to tradition that might outweigh the possible gains in happiness from attempts to sustain and publicly recognize alternative models of sexuality and family life?

    In a society that was relatively static in terms of technology, production, social organization, cultural norms and practices, such as the Pre-Modern ages of Europe, from the rise of Christianity to the beginning of the Age of Encounters, before modern medicine, when the life span of a woman was relatively short, and the ratio of child survival was low enough that she was expected to have many kids in order that one or two may live beyond the age of ten, it may have been more justified then to deem the education of women a bad investment, simply because if a woman were expected to be married, she would be continuously involved in childbirth or childcare duties until death. For thousands of years, people abided by strict gender roles because static technology did not exist to allow otherwise.

    In such a society, where Patriarchal control of property included husbands’ purview over wives, the institution of marriage clearly favored men. However, it can be argued that women gained necessary protections in this way, for women are particularly vulnerable during childbirth, and where there are lesser social protections offered by other family members and community, as is the expectation in the monogamous marriage agreement, women must rely on husbands to protect them during periods of physical weakness, and supply food to her and their children. Since women are tied to their children in a way that men are not, via the process of labor, the institution of marriage effectively protects women by socially binding the father to her support. Therefore, given Patriarchal control of property, it can be argued that marriages actually “helps” women and “enslaves” men to work in the public sphere for their families. Now, as marriages are breaking apart in a society that continues to hold Patriarchal values, it is clear that women, particularly single mothers, are suffering the most from the undermining of the institution of marriage.

    However, rather than assuming that the solution must lie in strengthening the current institution of marriage, one may also question why society as a whole does not take better care of single mothers. The Patriarchal monogamous family structure is not the only possible structure for sustaining reproduction and child-rearing. Alternatives have existed and do continue to exist. There are matrilineal and polyamorous societies in the world. It can be argued that the benefits of monogamous marriage towards women are only true given that Patriarchal material and political structures have already been established; that is, we can argue that in fact, monogamy and the nuclear family structure actually isolates women by making them more reliant on their husbands’ paternal investment; as opposed to allowing them the freedom and support they once enjoyed in matrilineal societies, where they are helped in motherhood by other family and community members rather than relying on husbands. However, why did societies with such alternative family arrangements not take dominance over Patriarchal civilizations? Why are the Na people an oppressed minority in China instead of its rulers? Why are all the most powerful civilizations in the world, with the greatest advances in civilization and culture, Patriarchal and male-dominated, not matrilineal? There are two hypotheses to explain the possible superiority of Patriarchal societies over Matrilineal societies in production, warfare, and survival during certain points of history:

    Firstly, aggressive groups force other groups around them to be aggressive or die out. The existence of even one aggressive element may force all groups to become aggressive. If a civilization with masculine-dominated values attacks a nurturing and peaceful, feminine-dominated, matrilineal civilization, it will force the latter to turn aggressive or submit. Wherever there is warfare, male-dominated culture comes to the forefront, because men are biologically stronger, bigger, and have more aggressive hormonal tendencies, and where they have taken leadership in militaristic activities, they are likely to also take leadership politically. Therefore, matrilineal tribes that have been shown to have more peaceful and communal tendencies than Patriarchal societies, can exist only in relative isolation, and had no chance to survive amidst aggressive warlike societies.

    Secondly, there may be an ethic of hard work, and minimizing leisure pursuits, including the pleasures of sex, that is inherently greater in enforced monogamous relationships in which sex is primarily treated as a means for reproduction. A practical approach to monogamy, characterized by traditional marital relationships, may be superior for promoting human productivity than a more libertine lifestyle of free love and sexual indulgence. Weber theorized in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism that the Protestant ideology is particularly well-suited for the development of Capitalism; it is this Protestant faith and Puritanical attitude towards sexuality that served as a foundation for society in colonized North America, and resulted in the economic system that dominates globally today. It is conceivable that elements of Judeo-Christian religion, which is Patriarchal in nature, particularly with regard to sexuality and family, may be more conducive to human advancement of labor and knowledge than other familial arrangements. Certainly, in common sense terms, sexual relationships take up a lot of human resources, both in terms of time and energy invested in sexual leisure and the emotional dramas that may follow with having multiple partners, and this investment may be better put into socially beneficial work. Therefore, a highly controlled sexual culture in traditional societies may have been most beneficial for promoting a civilizations’s productivity and survival, and this may explain why Patriarchal civilizations remain dominant in the world today whereas matrilineal societies have largely disappeared.

    However, just because Patriarchal values have enabled survival and progress during certain historical periods does not mean they remain the best model for promoting social welfare to this day. The male-dominated paradigm of aggressive conquest may not be optimal today in solving the contemporary Tragedy of the Commons: the collective problems of our era, regarding the environment and nuclear warfare. The promotion of “masculine” values over “feminine” values continually underestimates the importance of behaviors associated with femininity such as cooperation and an ethic of care, which are not essential but constructed aspects of femininity, but the subordination of all things feminine in this society also subordinates these ascribed characteristics, which may in fact be the ones that would be most helpful in solving the delicate and interrelated problems of our contemporary society. The subordination of femininity in Patriarchal, “traditional” value structures, and the undervaluing of more cooperative and altruistic strategies may be harmful for the progression and survival of our species, given the globalized natures of our age, which require compromise and collaboration over selfish competitive dominance.

    Culture is constantly evolving, and even the most tenuous religious traditions are repeatedly reinterpreted to suit the needs of the time and context. Therefore, it is not inconceivable that the Patriarchal values that once served us best in the race for global dominance may not be the best values for maintaining a peaceful and fair global order, once something of the sort can be fairly established. There are significant reasons to believe that further evolution of human society would benefit from a shift towards a more matrifocal manner social organization. It is also possible that liberalizing individual choice in the composition of families to better support motherhood within community would promote greater welfare for all. Changes in technology trigger social reorganization and the creation of new value systems, and current technologies are targeted to a more collective philosophy of crowd-sourcing open data, and democratically, collectively, not hierarchically, creating community-based web solutions to social problems. Perhaps this reflects the beginnings of value evolution from one of “masculine” linear order to “feminine” cooperation.

    Vast changes have occurred in the lives of women just in the past two generations. The advent of modern medicine, birth control, the curing of many diseases, the prolonging of life, the safer and more hygienic deliveries of newborns, as well as the invention of household appliances decreased the amount of time women must spend in maintaining the household, and the social need for women to remain as housewives diminished greatly. With the advancement of the Civil Rights and Women’s movements of the 1960’s, women fought for and won equal education and employment. Some people have questioned whether women are now better off, since today’s working women seem to be juggling a double workload, yet wages relative to prices have depreciated so that the average working class family now requires double income in order to live modestly well, therefore most wives and husbands are both compelled to work by economic necessity, whereas in the past, the husband’s solo wage would have sufficed for the whole family. Therefore, some argue that women’s entry into the workforce disproportionately hurt working class families. Among the middle class and bourgeoisie, the ability to choose whether to engage in the workforce or stay at home is an indisputable overall benefit for women, but among the working class, the depreciation of each individual’s income relative to prices in society may result in more work and an overall loss in welfare.

    However, even though the benefits of women’s liberation are not distributed evenly across the social classes, there are surely many positive consequences for all: with a longer life span and less time required to be devoted to traditional household labor, women are now empowered to enjoy a fuller life, with more knowledge, experience, and free time. She has the ability to choose for her career for herself or become a career mother. By these incontrovertible benefits alone, one can be certain that women are now definitely better off than before, and it is the advancement of technology that makes it possible for her to enjoy this better life, and procure jobs alongside men that require not physical strength but mental dexterity, thus enabling her to be his equal.

     Thus the future of whether or not “feminine” values or “masculine” values will prevail in the ordering of society also will depend greatly on which technologies come into popular use. Regardless, it seems that old traditional manners of looking at things, are no longer sufficient to cope with the ethical puzzles of the present day. After many centuries with relatively few changes in technology from generation to generation, our century is one of such rapid change that traditional roles and values as derived from religion are no longer compatible with our understandings of modern science and beliefs for the efficient and fair organization of society. Though traditionalists and religious fundamentalists continue to advocate for obedience to sacred texts and rituals, competing with liberalized social values that are rational, fair, and democratic, igniting confusion within society and rifts between conservative and liberal, old and new.

    Women are in the workplace now and we see ourselves as equals to men in every way. This radical new way of looking at ourselves and the world is not very old relative to human history, but one sure hopes that it is here to stay. Its incompatibility with many traditional and religious values creates great social tension and the increasing need to replace or radically reinterpret sexist religious ideologies in the development of a system of thought in which women enjoy equal status with men. It is now clear that the education of women worldwide would be the best measure for improving human development. Educated women tend to have fewer children; and with our global overpopulation crisis, this would a positive change. The human species is not occupying the same space in nature as we were millenia ago, as we have to be far more careful how we handle our resources and deal with conflicts between nations, therefore the old traditional wisdom of scriptures, which were true for the long periods of human history, such as the Catholic injunction to multiply and have as many children as possible, are no longer beneficial for human welfare. With these vast changes in the human condition, traditional scripts simply may not offer the guidance that religious seekers desire to navigate the complicated decisions and ethical contradictions of modern life.

    Certain traditional outlooks, which are contrary to scientific evidence, are simply hard to sustain in an age of growing access to knowledge and confidence in science. Furthermore, the exclusion of gay couples from the current institution of marriage, makes it inconsistent with the progress of changing social perceptions on the rights of LGBTQ people, which will inevitably lead to more questioning of the institutions of church and marriage.

     The half-way revolution of sexuality present in our society today holds many contradicting values that cause confusion, particularly among the younger generations, as to what constitutes the appropriate limits and codes on sexual behavior in an age of rapid sexual liberalization. Women’s liberation movements need now to face the most pivotal question regarding gender differences and labor organization: the gender inequalities inherent in the Patriarchal construction of family and possible alternatives, how to recognize and properly reward labor in the private sphere, how to create better social conditions for motherhood, and what to do about the obvious double standard and gender oppression of the Madonna/Whore division. By reflecting on the irrational outcasting of the whore, one is compelled to reexamine the unjust attitudes towards female sexuality throughout history and reevaluate the current socioeconomic conditions of marriage in light of historical injustices. Acknowledging the equality and dignity of the prostitute to other women is one crucial step necessary for the progression of feminist thought.

THREE.    Greater Social Implications

A. The Family at Question: Reproduction and Childcare Roles

    Building on the arguments raised in the final chapter of the previous section, reexamining the ethics of prostitution necessitates a reevaluation of the moral arguments against promiscuity. If we are to accept that promiscuity is natural to human behavior throughout history and there is no inherent moral offense in engaging with multiple partners, a premise that we must accept in defense of the moral integrity of the whore, then we discover that within the ethics of polyamory, or the love of multiple partners in a non-harmful way, necessarily brings to question possible alternative constructions of the modern family. These are the greater social implications brought to light when we reconsider Patriarchal gender values.

    Would people be better off if they were allowed to choose whatever family composition and sexual arrangement would be best suited to achieve their own ideals of happiness? If two women wanted to raise a child together, should they be allowed to legally be recognized as a family unit? What about three women? What about a collective family of three women and three men, perhaps with one man and one woman choosing to stay at home, to manage the household, and raise the children, while the other four work? What if individuals were able to freely choose what they want to identify as a family unit? Would the increase in size of the family from the isolated nuclear unit help address the problems of private sphere labor created by the gender imbalances in heterosexual monogamy? Would having multiple couples/partners in marriage ease the burden of contemporary working-motherhood? Policy theorizers seeking to alleviate the problem of unfair burden upon working mothers tend to turn to governmental solutions originating from public aid to mothers. What about encouraging collective and voluntary solutions such as the building of multi-nuclear-family households? Though it is salient to think about the possibility of polyandrous and polygamous arrangements, the kind of mutual aid that would be beneficial through the building of multi-family social units does not necessitate any amendment of current structures of marriage; as things are right now, couples as well as single parents can still choose to aid each other, by sharing a home and household responsibilities, and sharing in the care of children.

     Can we imagine the impact of a redefined family model in society? Can people become better off if able to independently decide on the size and membership of household  or family units for joint material survival, reproduction, and child-rearing? Would this be beneficial in creating a greater sense of community, which is often missing from the ever-increasing isolation of modern life? Or would increasing household size decrease the benefits of privacy and autonomy in a way that actually diminishes overall happiness? Is it even conceivable for so drastic an alteration in basic social organization to take place given how firmly rooted the values of monogamous family are within our Patriarchal models of society?

    As of now, these questions are purely hypothetical. The only fact that should be acknowledged is that gender roles and the performance of sexuality are currently changing quickly and drastically all over the world, and these changes in the stability of traditional gender roles are affecting the nature and composition of family structures. The questions related to prostitution and women’s sexuality highlight the assumptions that are made invisible within the Patriarchal marriage framework. To consider the ethics of prostitution and the equality and dignity of the sex worker is to understand and acknowledge women’s right to sexual self-determination, and negotiate the conundrum of private and public sphere labor. The possibility of alternatives familial structures that provide greater support to women and children than the current nuclear family model is interesting to think about, though currently only remotely tied to the question of sex work. However, even to imagine any alternatives to Patriarchal sexual values is to begin to subvert its moral hegemony, which inevitably bring many other questions to light.

B. Global/Racial Questions of Class

    As women take on greater responsibilities in the work place, they often hire nannies and housekeepers to do undesirable household work. In cosmopolitan cities such as New York, the brunt of this labor is taken on by migrant domestic workers from the global South. The racialization of gendered work does not break down the essential inequality between public and private sphere labor, but instead helps well-off households to commodify and hand off what is continually devalued without eliminating its gender-specific characteristics, and may reinforce in the eyes of the wealthier children, the associations between race, gender, and social status.# It is the children of these migrant laborers back in the homeland who often have to pay for the externalities of exported female labor. These children grow up without the care of their mothers close at hand. In the Philippines, migrant women are criticized for bringing harm upon their children, even though the remittances of female migrant labor contributes to a large percentage of national income.# However, the steadily increasing migration of female domestic workers also brings about a revolution of gender roles in these countries, as women become the primary wage earners of their households and gain in power relative to men.

    Migrant sex labor is also subject to racial injustice. Payment in the sex industry, even on a local level, is highly stratified according to race, such that caucasian sex workers are generally paid more for their services than non-caucasian workers, particularly dark-skinned workers. Racialized stereotypes are often fetishized, and sex workers of color and foreign origin may choose to profit by playing to these stereotypes, but perhaps at the ideological cost of reinforcing these stereotypes, which can be harmful. The global sex trade reinforces images of white male dominance through sex tourism. The trafficking of sex workers to wealthier countries, the majority of which are cases of voluntary migration for better work opportunities, also creates stratification of women in host countries based on origin, often racialized origin. The fact that gendered labor, whether domestic or sexual, is lower-paying and considered of lower status than traditional male labor, has an especially negative impact upon third world women of color who are sometimes fetishized for “traditional characteristics” that are “native to their cultures” which make them better suited for caring labor that is lower paid, whether in nannying, housekeeping, or sex work.#

    Associations between sex slavery and third world sex workers, particularly Asian sex workers, further undermines the possibility of agency and self-determination for these women and men. Human rights activists who take an abolitionist stance against all prostitution do not effectively combat the oppressive working conditions of migrant sex workers when they dispatch raids to “rescue” them, and deport workers back to their home countries, where the economic situation is such that workers often seek readmission, legal or illegal, back into the country where they had been working, in order to earn a better livelihood.#  Thus, a sex-positive outlook on prostitution that does not morally devalue women who choose to voluntarily engage in the industry is necessary in order to focus attention upon the smaller percentage of women and children who are legitimately trafficked and enslaved into nonconsensual sexual labor, and effectively improve conditions.

    Human rights and feminist activist groups with an abolitionist stance, usually originating from Western countries, often hold a prejudicial and condescending view upon third world women, and have been reluctant to acknowledge the possibility of the voluntary choice sex labor by third world women as the best possible economic option. Their imposition of Patriarchal morality upon the assumed motives and conditions of these third world sex workers effectively silences them instead of helps them. However, within many of these countries, female sex workers have collectivized to form organizations combatting the legal oppression and social stigma of the sex industry. SANGRAM, a sex worker’s collective in India, and EMPOWER, a sex worker organization in Thailand, are examples of sex-positive sex worker activist organizations in which workers represent themselves. These “third world” sex-positive feminist organizations are frequently larger and better organized than similar organizations in the United States and Europe, showing that the defense of the rights of women is certainly not limited to or even led by the intellectual domain of Western feminists, who can perhaps benefit from taking a cue from these women.

    The silencing of the third world sex worker via universal assumptions of victimhood, and the assumed impossibility of agency or conscious choice, is also used to devalue the efforts of first world sex worker organizations. Whereas third world sex workers are considered to be incapable of true “Free Choice” due to the economic coercion of poverty, first world sex workers are also dismissed for being overprivileged and unrepresentative of the typical sex worker. Critics of first world sex workers often argue that the “reality” of sex work for “most” women is more like the (imagined) story of the typical third world victim. Thus, even those who are willing to acknowledge that it is possible for first world prostitutes who have some kind of agency in their choice of this stigmatized profession, frequently dismiss the case of first world, privileged sex work for being a small minority voice within the global sex industry. Therefore, the unity of the voices of first and third world sex workers is required in order for either to be legitimately recognized.

    Economic coercion plays a role in influencing the choices of all poor people, in both the first and third world. However, how someone responds to that economic coercion, whether through accepting a lower-wage menial job, or taking on riskier but higher-wage sex work, is an exercise of agency by the worker.

C. Marginalization, Social Stigma, Alternative Treatment of Deviance

    Poverty, social marginalization, and organized crime, are common backgrounds for the life of sex workers. To a certain extent, stereotypes about sex workers as being likely to be connected with mental illness, drug use, or other aspects of informal markets, are in fact true. While seeking to fight absolute generalizations about sex workers, it remains important to acknowledge that these conditions do exist for a great percentage of people involved in this industry, and that better social service and outreach need to be coordinated.

    However, it is the social stigma of sex work that often pushes these workers deeper into the fringes of society, and criminalization only increases harm. To improve these conditions, it is important to address poverty and the anti-societal attitudes of marginal cultures at their root. Prison reform is necessary because the existing system is expensive and inefficient. Tied to the imperative of decriminalizing prostitution is the overall need for reconsideration of how society deals with deviants, criminals, and pariahs.

    Until sex work is truly destigmatized and becomes more socially acceptable, there will remain a high social cost for people who choose to enter the line of work. The risks and lack of respectability in the work make it a rather undesirable industry for most people, who would not want to become socially isolated from family and friends through practice. Therefore, those who do get involved with sex work in spite of the costs, do tend to have a history of trauma that is social, psychological, or material in nature. However, many exceptions also exist.

    The correlation between sex workers and lifestyles of fringe society makes for a chicken or egg puzzle, in which the direction of causality varies from individual to individual. Currently, to be an advocate for sex worker rights should also entail a concern for the improvement of conditions for all who inhabit society’s margins, in order to define better and more humane solutions.

D.    Religion, Democracy, and Scientific Modernity

    Political theorist Carole Pateman, who wrote about the fraternal contract of the public sphere that excludes the naturalized private sphere, situated the origin of Patriarchal oppression of women in Judeo-Christian religion.# She wrote that the Bible’s treatment of Eve as being created after all of the animals, out of Adam’s rib, and to serve as a companion to Adam, is the ideological site of Patriarchal construction. Adam is both the father and dominant partner of Eve, and she is to blame for the downfall of all mankind, fatefully condemned to the punishment of giving birth in pain. Not only is Eve’s sin, the disobedience of Patriarchal injunction in search for knowledge, constructed to be the original sin for which all posterity must pay, thereby justifying a certain misogyny for her ultimate guilt; but Eve’s very femininity, her motherhood, is constructed as a form of punishment that she must suffer in duty to her companion, for whose sole pleasure she was created.

    This condemning construction of the original woman, mother of humankind, makes Judeo-Christian an inherently Patriarchal institution and ideology that is incompatible with true gender equality without great reinterpretation, and is in fact both the root cause and the moral justification for the oppressive treatment of women in Patriarchy. Throughout Western history, women’s alternative constructions to religion and spirituality have been persecuted as witchcraft and black magic. The identity of witch has repeatedly been used to punish women who dare to deviate from Patriarchal thought. Women who lived alone in the margins of society: widows, wallflowers, whores, those unable to bear children, and those were relatively isolated from social relationships, were most vulnerable to accusations of witchcraft. A great many women of knowledge, who had special understanding of the use of natural medicines, were also accused of witchcraft because their knowledge and independent utility undermined the Patriarchal knowledge system. The arbitrary scapegoating of the witch was used in particular to discipline and control women’s behavior and prevent them from straying too far from mainstream social thought.

    Continued conflicts in the contemporary era between the Church and scientific theories of evolution, as well as controversies over women’s right to control their own bodies through abortion and prostitution, and general social justice movements for the equal rights of women and homosexuals, makes religion the most controversial clash between traditional social structures and modern attempts to create more democratic, scientific, rational, and fair manners of social organization based on improved knowledge and human understanding. The Church has long been quick and brutal to suppress the free expression of thinkers who are not in line with their ideologies. After such a cruel history of instigating warfare and torture, and continually serves as ideological fuel for the most dangerous conflicts in the world.

    The need for the construction of alternative forms of spirituality, ritual, and community in the 21st Century has been headed by women, who often search for inspiration within nature, like many pagan, non-monotheistic sources of spirituality. Their “New Age” expressions of a female-centric spirituality bears much resemblance to the witchcraft persecuted in the past. If we are to hold as true Carole Pateman’s premise that gender inequality in Western society is based on Judeo-Christian Patriarchy, then the construction of alternative female-centric spirituality in this age is an act of feminism that is necessary for the redefinition of public and private spheres.

    A system of belief and community guidance that is compatible with the progression of modern science, that honors women’s sexual self-determination, and that destimatizes the whore, is necessary for the healing of all women from Patriarchal oppression.

Manifesto

A.    Collective action in the absence of order…

    Since prostitution is highly stigmatized, and generally criminalized worldwide, it exists largely within an informal economy outside of the protection of law. This marginalization is unjust. The criminalization and stigmatization of sex workers engaged in consensual commercial sex, the legal persecution of this victimless crime, causes harm upon sex workers and violates their human rights. In the absence of legal frameworks, mutual aid strategies such as collectivizing, bartering, skillsharing, consensus-building, security watching, free services, education, and open culture can be employed to empower this community underground. Mutual emotional support to combat the structural violence of stigma should be freely and securely available. The collective monitoring of black markets for labor abuses among clients and employers needs a safe space for expression and circulation.

B.    The Vision for An Anonymous Online Collective of International Sex Workers

This is a call for existence of an anonymous online collective that unites as:

• A safe space for sex workers to support and empower each other through consciously fighting internalized stigma. An online forum and collective information resource that respects sexual self-determination and economic choice, and encourages sex workers to express and trust in their own experiences and ideas.

• A network for mutual aid in health care, legal and financial services, education, housing, childcare, and access to media and capital.

• A trade union that promotes independent and collectively-run sexual businesses, such as cooperatively-owned dungeons and clubs, and alternative pornography. A blacklist of unjust, non-transparent, and/or discriminatory businesses that exploit workers. A resource that enables ethical sex consumerism.

• An outreach service to sex workers in various industries and locations, providing anonymous information and support.

• A political alliance for the decriminalization of consensual sex. A human rights organization that uses underground networks within the industry to combat all forms of nonconsensual sex, such as sex slavery, human trafficking, and rape, which is antithetical to the sexual dignity and empowerment of all people.

• A means for sex workers to organize anonymously on a national and international level to build a greater sex-positive movement for true gender equality, human rights, and sexual choice.  An aggregator for world news related to sex work, the postings of various sex worker organizations worldwide, and a promoter of intercultural communication and alliance.

• A forum and art space for sex worker self-expression through independent publishing, artistic work, and the expansion of gender and sexuality theory via the sex-positive lens.

• A socially just space that recognizes that global conditions of sex work differs greatly between different classes, trades, venues, geographical locations, and nations. A web 2.0 social network that seeks representation of different nationalities, races, classes, gender/sexuality constructions: from street walkers to high-end escorts, from strippers and massage workers to rent-boys, LGBTQ, and BDSM professionals.

Resources, Appendix

    including: on website, and future publications of AK Manifiesta: specific case studies, statistics, policy analyses, legal frameworks in different countries

Dec. 17th article for Direkte Actione, German union newspaper

[Read article translated into German:www.direkteaktion.org]

“I killed so many woman I have a hard time keeping them straight…My plan was I wanted to kill as many women I thought were prostitutes as I possibly could…I picked prostitutes as my victims because they were easy to pick up without being noticed.”[1]

The “Green River Killer,” Gary Ridgewood, Seattle Washington, 11/05/2003

In November 2001, serial killer Gary Ridgewood was arrested while leaving the Kenworth Truck Factory, in Renton, Washington, where he had worked quietly for over 30 years. During that time, he murdered over 49 women, almost all of whom were prostitutes or runaways, and buried their bodies in forested areas around Kings County. “I killed most of them in my house near Military Road,” Ridgewood confessed, “I placed most of the bodies in groups which I call clusters. I like to drive by the clusters and think about the women I placed there.” He bragged that he had strangled more than ninety women in total to death and having “sex” with their dead bodies.

On December 17th, 2003, Dr. Annie Sprinkle, founder of the U.S. Sex Workers Outreach Project, organized the first International Day to End Violence Against Sex Workers, in order to honor the 49 or more deaths caused by this merciless Green River Killer.

“I picked prostitutes as my victims because I hate most prostitutes and I did not want to pay them for sex,” Ridgewood told reporters at the Seattle Staff and News Services. The fact that all of these murders went undiscovered for over twenty years reveals that Ridgewood is not the only criminal in these vicious killings. The police and state’s callous attitude towards sex workers, and the hateful stigma that society at large places upon them, caused these deaths to go unpunished for an utterly injust and inhumane amount of time. Today, sex workers continue to suffer the greatest risk for violent assault and murder.

Though sex work is often called the world’s “oldest profession,” the laborers in this ancient trade do not benefit from the most long-lasting or cohesive labor unions. Successful collective organizing is still relatively rare, in spite of more than forty years of international activism. Due to the state’s criminal charge upon this activity, most sex workers in the world labor under unregulated and unprotected conditions, and suffer from a life of isolation and fear due to social stigma and lack of governmental protection from violent crime. Yet prostitution is as pervasive and old as civilization itself – it is a reality of the sexual life of our species, and there is little reason to believe it will ever disappear. Thus to persecute workers in this very human position, is a form of social injustice, directed at workers from the state and religious institutions, imposing upon workers an unnecessary violence.

It is indeed the state that creates the conditions of this violence. Though current human rights discourse rallies around the popular heart-wrenching calls against human trafficking and child slavery, this Puitan abolitionist movement that aims to end prostitution through government regulation is in fact creating the conditions for greater abuse. Greater criminalization pushes sex work  further underground, creating the perfect conditions for gangs and black market trading most dangerous to sex workers. Sex-positive thinkers on this issue, including global activists for the December 17th International Day to End Violence Against Sex Workers, call for decriminalization[2] of sex work internationally, for allowing sex workers to come out into the open, and protecting their human rights, is the best way to prevent abuse, disease, and forced migration.

Today, December 17th marks an important day for sex workers to organize all around the world, including Kenya, Australia, New Zealand, India, France, England, Germany, the United States, and the Netherlands. However, this is not the first occasion for international sex worker organizing. In 1985 and 1986, the two World Whores Congresses convened in Amsterdam and Brussels. In 1985, the International Committee for Prostitutes’ Rights created the World Charter for Prostitutes’ Rights, demanding the “decriminalization of all aspects of adult prostitution resulting from individual decisions,” and the guarantee of “all human rights and civil liberties, including freedom of speech, travel, immigration, work, marriage, and motherland, and the right to unemployment insurance, health insurance and housing,” as well as “work standards” including freedom to chose place of work and residents, abolition of zoning, and the payment of taxes with receiving of benefits “on the same basis as other independent contractors and employees.” [3]

From the early efforts in 1975 of the French Collective of Prostitutes, in which 150 sex workers took over a church in Lyon, France; the cries of the English Collective of Prostitutes to “outlaw poverty not prostitution;”[4] the founding of CAYOTE by U.S. activist Margot St. James in 1973, the Berlin HYDRA in 1980, Geneva’s ASPASIE in 1982, Australia and Canada’s APC and CORP in 1983, “De Rode Draad” and “De Roze Draad” in the Netherlands in 1984; to the broadening of the sex worker movement in the 1990’s to include transgender, homosexuals, and migrant workers; to the European Conference on Sex Work, Human Rights, Labour, and Migration in Brussels, October 15-17, 2005, which gave birth to a new international consciousness of “trafficking” as very often a form of voluntary labor migration[5]; to the October 2007 strike of 35,000 sex workers in El Alto, Bolivia – It appears that the consciousness of the sex worker movement in the general media, and under institutions for international human rights is growing faster now, after a lull during the 1980’s and early 90s.

According to an August 2010 study by ProCon.org, a nonprofit for researching and publishing debates on controversial issues, about 50% of 100 researched (27% by population) have legalized prostitution. The remaining 50% of countries (73% by population) are split between criminalization of prostitution (40% of countries, or 60% by population) and limited legality, such as prosecuting pimps and clients but not sex workers (10% of countries, or 13% by population).[6]  These statistics indicate a trend towards partial or full legalization in the past forty years.

However, in spite of the seeming liberalization of the sex trade through legalization, complications involving the restrictive and stigmatizing governmental policies imposed upon legalized sex workers, including zoning, heavy taxation and licensing fees, and often overly intrusive and degrading STD testing[7], causes a new suite of problems. In countries where prostitution is legalized, there is also often a growth of forced migration of sex workers from poorer countries as underpaid sex slaves, often working in an illegal sector that persists in spite of the existence of legal outlets. Greater harm is imposed upon sex workers by social stigma, even in countries where being a prostitute is ostensibly legal. The public attitude of disgrace and hatefulness towards sex work is deeply ingrained in the Patriarchal and religious values, which are not easily persuaded to change. Therefore, legalization alone will not solve the problems of human abuse in the sex industry; rather, a greater public campaign of destigmatization is necessary, along with general decriminalization, rather than government-controlled legalization.

In most countries today, the labor organizing of sex workers outside of legal unions and state-sanctioned protections, must occur underground in the form of mutual aid networks outside of law. This kind of collective organizing falls well under the Anarcho-Syndicalist vision, and the increased participation of labor activists theorists on the radical left in this discourse is invited.

(Dec. 14, 2010 by Annabelle X., Anarchafeminist from Brooklyn, NYC, U.S.A.)


[1] Seattle PI, “Green River Killings,” Seattle Post-Intelligence Staff and News Services (11/05/03)

[2] Note that decriminalization is different from legalization. Whereas the latter stipulates governmental involvement in the form of regulation, taxation, licensing, etc., the former demands merely that the government not be involved in penalizing sex work as criminal activity, and protects the rights of the sex worker from violent assault, the same as any other citizen.

[3] International Committee for Prostitutes’ Rights (ICPR), “World Charter for Prostitute Rights,” (http://www.walnet.org/csis/groups/icpr_charter.html)

[4] International Prostitutes’ Collective, composed of U.S. PROStitutes and English Collective of Prostitutes (http://www.prostitutescollective.net/) See also: Global Network of Sex Work Projects (http://www.nswp.org)

[5] Sex work researcher, Jo Doezema, argues that most cases of “sex trafficking,” where workers are “rescued” by abolitionist aid organizations, involve voluntary laborers, not forced sex slaves as normally advertised, who are then compelled to pretend helplessness in order not to be criminalized. After the so-called “rescue,” many such workers are deported to their home countries only to be found again months later, willing to undergo the same sex “slavery.” Perhaps abolition and rescue is not the answer?  (Jo Doezema, “Forced to Choose: Beyond the Voluntary v. Forced Prostitution Dichotomy,” in Global Sex Workers: Rights, Resistance, and Redefinition, Kamala Kempadoo & Jo Doezema, ed. Routledge: New York, 1998.)

[6] China and India, where prostitution is illegal, account for a large percentage of the population of illegal sex work. (http://prostitution.procon.org)

baboon “culture” and give peace a chance (or tuberculosis)

Here is a very well-known and oft-repeated tale in the primatology world –

Robert Sapolsky, the Stanford neurobiologist and primatologist, discovered a funny fact about baboons, stress levels, and social hierarchy that may reveal a lot about our own human society:

Through measuring adrenaline and cortisol levels in the blood of various male baboons of different social rankings, he found that higher-ranked baboons have lower stress levels than lower-ranked baboons, and consequently suffered less stress-related health risks.

One summer, through a tragedy that led to interesting new discoveries, Sapolsky discovered that a large percentage of his baboon group had passed away after scavenging for food in a nearby human village. The food was infested with tuberculosis, therefore a big portion of the baboon population died. However, it so happened that the portion that died were the alpha males, who were most aggressive in commanding the food.

The baboon males that remained were less aggressive and more peaceful than the alphas that had been killed, and so the group at large became much gentler in their dealings with one another. Interestingly enough, as the years went by, other male baboons that join the group adopt the mild and sociable nature of this baboon group, and learn to be more cooperative upon joining this particular baboon culture.

Furthermore, the stress level and health of the group improved with the elimination of its most domineering members. And Sapolsky himself made the inference that with fewer alphas, there is less aggression, less hierarchy, and less stress, contributing to the overall welfare of the group.

Drawing the analogy to human society, of course, brings to mind an obvious question:

Would we be happier if we got rid of our alphas?

All the belligerent bastards that apparently drive our global political economy – the macho, missile-throwing sons of devils that insist on bringing their manly pride into the picture every time a diplomatic effort is made. Would we all better off if the lot of them just happened to come down with an incurable case of tuberculosis?

Though most observations in primatology and ecology seem to favor fitting themselves into nice neoliberal economic models of competition and hierarchy, or subordination and death – this particular case of baboon peace-making seems to scream:

“Otro mundo es posible.”

Is it not a Kropotkinist dream? A rare point for socialism in the game of scientific validation of economics?

Where did those baboon alphas evolve from anyway? Those jerks that beat up all the women, eat up all the food, and spend every free minute making the inferior baboons feel as miserable as possible – how in hell did they become an evolutionary advantage for a social order? Apparently, their death brings the height of civilization (for baboons anyway), and result in overall awesomeness for the family – so why did these gangsters stay in the gene pool?

Perhaps Sapolsky’s baboon group is not characteristic of “nature” in that there is far too much human interference – that is, the particular location and environment of these baboons, close enough to a human village to get food poisoning, makes this group somewhat protected from invasion by other groups, and so, there is less of a need for defense, a role that the alpha males would normally play.

But if human intervention is the element that makes peace possible, then surely our own human intervention should also have that effect on ourselves?

Not so much.

We still got the sharks at the top of the food chain. But the feminists have been working on them for a while now, and progress is…forthcoming?

letter to my professor – to be translated into papers…[work in progress]

Dear Professor,

    It was very inspiring to talk to you last Thursday. I read the two articles: Lena Edlund’s “A Theory of Prostitution” and Catherine Hakim’s “Erotic Capital,” which Caldwell wrote about in the Financial Times article. I have a lot of notes and questions for each, and would really enjoy discussing them with you if you ever have an open slot during office hours. I also started reading Sex is Not a Natural Act by Tiefer, and have some questions for you.
    I will come by later today or tomorrow to drop off my Political Economy forms in your mailbox.
I.    Thoughts about Caldwell Article in Financial Times:
          1.   “Men desire sex more intensely more intensely than women” – is this of biological or social construction? Edlund mentions in the conclusion of her article that the social construction of female sexual desire has varied greatly throughout history from Victorian female distaste for sex to the Middle Eastern idea that women have far greater libido than men. Do hormonal differences between men and women (ie testosterone / estrogen, progesterone) really create a big difference in sex drive? It has been proven that testosterone definitely makes men more aggressive, but to what extent does it make men desire sex more intensely as compared to similar effects in female hormones? To what extent is it justified to use the argument of disparate male/female sexual desire in a social construction of prostitution when the biological/social natures of that construction is yet unclear?
           2.   “It is wrong to make patriarchy the scapegoat. Women disdain prostitutes and trophy wives as much as men.” – These women are WITHIN the patriarchy, and have assimilated its ideas. Women can just as easily be “anti-feminist,” depending on the specific content of the feminism in question.
           3.   “Technology has provided what Ms. Hakim calls ‘technical aids to enhancing erotic capital.’ It has improved the sexual product.” – Interesting! Marxist analysis possible here: technology (contraception, personal enhancements for increased youth/sexual ability) has already changed the material political economy of sex (sexual revolution), but the superstructure/ideology is still shifting very hesitantly in conflict with other ideologies of Protestant religion, monogamous marriage laws, and conservative sexual norms.
II.    Thoughts about Dr. Hakim’s paper “Erotic Capital,” published in 2010.
            1.    “Oblivion of the social sciences” to the notion of erotic capital “suggests patriarchal bias.” Men deny women have “erotic capital” because “they have less of it.” Furthermore, they make it socially taboo to exploit it.  – Interesting theory! Although it does sound a little simplistic to me…it would be good to reason through this and see if there are any leaps in logic.
            2.      Bourdieu’s four types of capital, and Hakim’s inclusion of fourth form of capital, erotic capital. Why is erotic capital not something that can be included under human capital? Is human capital limited to education and skills?
            3.      Hakim’s Six/Seven Elements of Erotic Capital: sounds like qualifications for a beauty contest! But I wonder about some of the qualifications she includes as “erotic” or “beautiful” – for example, she puts down liveliness and social presentation/wealthy dress (she made a comment about not dressing like a “homeless tramp.”) What about fetishists and people of deviant tastes who like a sort of punk/dead look and go for a homeless chic? More importantly, it is a common saying that beauty is in the eye of the beholder. Does that make beauty/erotic capital more precarious, as it is placed between the person who has it and the person who perceives that; as it is something that needs a secondary source of recognition in order to have value, and this value is fluid depending on the perceiver? Do any of the other sources of capital (social, human) have the same requirement of an outside validator?
             4.     Hakim says that women “have more erotic capital than men” and “deploy it more actively.” Is this argument valid? That which is commonly found attractive in women (physical attractiveness, social grace, etc.) is different from what is commonly found attractive in men (success), so would it be more accurate to say that the “erotic capital” of women and men differ in the composition of the six/seven elements that Hakim listed? In what ways do the other forms of capital (economic, social, human) overlap into erotic capital, as someone who is more cultured and well-connected may seem more attractive than someone who is not, to some people.
             5.     I wonder about a model that can illustrate the impact of AIDS/STD’s in the late 1970’s/80’s on erotic capital markets.
             6.    “Erotic capital may be the most widespread and democratic form of capital, so it becomes invisible.” – Interesting! Is this a common form of elite oppression that is true for other qualities? Or does the fact that the intellect is often placed in opposition to the body (mind/body dualism) make academics less willing to analyze human beauty for fear of appearing shallow/unintellectual? Plato and Aristotle sure analyze it a lot…
             7.     Another interesting Marxian analysis she makes: men of high economic capital tend to marry women of high erotic capital, and these women tend to pass their genes onwards, resulting in “class differentials…beauty filters up the class system.” It would be interesting to look more closely at the various biological vs. social ways in which all four kinds of capital are passed down.
             8.     Her mentioning of Arlie Hochschild’s “Emotional Labor” theory and Simone de Beauvoir’s “Gender as Performance” theory (as applied to sexuality) are both relevant to the theoretical framework for sex work that I am slowly constructing. I also agree with her statement at the end of the article that “the most powerful and effective weapon deployed by men to curtail women’s use of erotic power is the disdain and contempt heaped on female sex workers.”
             9.     She writes that contemporary men are now “beginning” to work harder on their own looks, with higher incidence of botox among older men, and viagra for enhanced performance. She writes interestingly that the newly “destabilized monogamy” of contemporary society forces people to maintain the erotic capital for a longer period of time, after marriage. She writes about male care of physical appearance as though it were a completely new thing, and I wonder what she would say about the colonial powdered wigs or the way men in Papua New Guinea pay more attention to their physical appearance than women do. It seems to me that men’s performance of attractiveness is not only for women, but also a display of power and prosperity for other men. Masculinity is a very difficult and stringent performance, perhaps even more challenging than femininity in many ways, and I don’t think that men are more interested in erotic capital now, merely due to the fact that women are gaining in economic capital, but that standards for masculinity are fluid and change throughout culture. There may be many more factors to men desiring to look “younger” than to compete in capital with women; I think youth is an obsession for the culture at large that symbolizes work vitality, which is not only deployed for sexual purposes.
            10.   Hakim does a poor job of proving that “Men’s demand for sexual activity and erotic entertainment of all kinds greatly exceeds women’s interest in sex….this has been known for centuries.” She doesn’t acknowledge the social construction of gendered sex drive, and she uses a questionable argument of a “pay gap” between women and men as proof of difference in interest (in the footnotes) without discussing the differential norms/stigmas/availabilities of purchasing commercial sex for men and women. She also uses the “feminist” perspective in a sort of derogatory way, assuming that feminists are one cohesive group, which they definitely are not. Finally, Hakim tries to prove that women lose interest in sex after childbirth more readily than men do, but her sample base for the time frame in which men and women in modern industrialized society tend to have  equal sex drive, (men and women under 30-34 years of age) corresponds to the generation born after the ’60s sexual revolution generation, which is a group with very different gender and sexuality expectations than their parents, so logically, they should have less female inhibition. Therefore, this data is inconclusive of whether or not women lose interest in sex drive after childbirth, and we can’t really tell for a fact if this is true until the younger generation (currently 30-34) reaches menopause and shows sexual interest over the course of their lifespan.
             11.    “Women prefer sex with emotional attachment.” – Again, this is a biological/social issue. I think women are more wary of losing their erotic capital due to greater social stigma of promiscuity, therefore they have a greater incentive to hold on longer to their sexual partners, thus necessitating securitization via emotions. Women recognize the scarcity and fragility of their erotic capital, which comprises of a larger percentage of their overall capital than that of men, so men can take more erotic risks and thus need/desire less attachment. This is a social phenomenon, and I don’t think we have proven conclusively about biological differences in emotional attachment through sex.
             12.    “Women are more interested in the emotional games surrounding sex, while men can seek and enjoy sex as a goal in itself.” Again, this is due to the same cost differentials in female and male sexual behavior. I don’t like the word “games” because it implies that the female behavior is frivolous, trivial, and irrational, for entertainment purposes only; in reality, I think that women are very rational and complex in their emotional tests of men, to meter their power and security, an act that is necessary in a social structure that inhibits women’s overt expression of power and historically has forced women to exert indirect power through male partners to control basic economic and material aspects of their lives.
             13.     Hakim is kind of conservative at times; no wonder some feminists are angry with her. She encourages stay-at-home wives because there are “efficiency benefits of a division of labor that allows a man to focus exclusively on his work and career, without having to share the childcare, cooking, and cleaning,” and she proves that this is better because men who have stay-at-home wives tend to be more successful, since they can focus better. However, I think she has framed the causation in reverse: these men were probably more successful or had more potential for success to begin with in order to be able to attract and keep a stay-at-home trophy wife.
             14.     Also, Hakim doesn’t acknowledge the fragility of erotic capital, since 1) it depends on the eye of the beholder, 2) it depreciates with age!, 3) much of it is genetically acquired or expensively enhanced, and very unfair/undemocratic! She writes, in a relationship, there is a non-economic power balance between men and women even though women earn less in wages than men do, because “sexual access is typically wives’ principle bargaining asset, not money.” However, she doesn’t acknowledge the precarious nature of this bargaining chip, that it is dependent on the husband’s desire, and its excessive use carries the risk of encouraging infidelity and worse consequences; it is not nearly as reliable a source of power as economic equality.
             15.    Hakim criticizes Anglo-Saxxon feminists and the notion of “lookism,” which “encapsulates the puritan Anglo-Saxon antipathy to beauty and sexuality, arguing that taking any account of someone’s appearance should be outlawed, effectively making the valoraization of erotic capital unlawful.” While I sympathize with her argument that beauty queens are simultaneously prized and scapegoated in our hypocritical society, I wonder if she has thought about the extent which erotic capital is itself a form of oppression sometimes (ie body image, unhealthy media encouraging anorexia)? How are the pressures applied towards women in “improving their body” (through dieting, vs. men’s improvement through fitness) different from the pressures applied towards men in “improving their success” – mind, work ethic? (Of course, these are generalized gendered norms, which are not true for all women and men, especially in the contemporary context, but they are general frameworks to consider.) Are the components of female “erotic capital” somewhat less healthy or beneficial for the female, or more difficult to attain, than that of male “erotic capital”?
—————
III.          Lena Edlund “A Theory of Prostitution” (Professor, I need your help in understanding the more mathematical aspects of her model. Lena Edlund is far more conservative in her attitude towards prostitutes vs. wives than Catherine Hakim. Although Hakim seems to encourage sex work destigmatization at the end of her paper, Edlund definitely does not, and has an overall rather negative and condescending outlook towards sex workers. I’m a little nervous I’m signing up for her class in the fall.)
             1.   Though I am fascinated by her model, and want very much to understand how to construct economic arguments like hers, I take issue with many of her assumptions. According to Edlund, the difference between marriage and prostitution is that within marriage, men are guaranteed paternal claim to the children, which is of positive utility, so men are willing to “pay more” for marriage in order to have this right, since biologically and legally (in the U.S.? – this doesn’t apply globally, and she does not specify location), only a woman’s right to “ownership” of the child is recognized. On the contrary, I think that men are not paying for the right of paternity to their children, but rather, they are paying prostitutes to be ALLEVIATED from the obligation of paternity if a child is born by accident. Which women would not want a man to help take care of her child, unless the man is abusive or absolutely intolerable in some way? Instead of thinking about marriage as a “paternity premium,” I think a better model would picture prostitution as a “non-reproduction premium.” I think that Edlund’s model is not in accordance with the reality of male motivations for commercial sex.
              2.   I like Edlund’s statement that because “female parental investment exceeds that of males by far (Trivers 1972), therefore females should be able to extract compensation (Wright 1994), and marriage is a sort of “mating premium.” “Marriage may be viewed as a contract on children in which custodial rights are transferred from the mother to the father.” This argument makes a lot of sense; however, I think that the reason prostitution costs rather more than an “unskilled” job “should” is because of the nonreproductive/non-attachment/non-responsbility, which asserts its own kind of value that seems contradictory to the value in marriage.
             3.    Edlund asserts that prostitutes are compensated for the loss of their “marriage capital” because they become less desirable spouses. However, I don’t think this is true across the board. Personally, I know many prostitutes who are married, sometimes to a former client, sometimes to someone else, and I think that the extra economic capital that sex workers gain can also be an attraction asset (erotic capital via economic capital). It’s impossible (and purely hypothetical) to measure that their marriage choices “have decreased” because of their work. Rather, in cases of global sex work migration, many prostitutes in Thailand and the Dominican Republic end up marrying a foreigner and going to a wealthier country, and gaining much more economic capital than they otherwise would have in the marriage market of their domestic countries. Rather than asserting that prostitutes are being compensated for their loss of “marriage value,” I think a more fair argument would be that prostitutes are compensating for social stigma and risk that may or may not lead to loss in marriage value. The fact that prostitutes between the ages of 25-30 are priced most highly is not necessarily because they are within the ages of the marriage market; it may also be simply because women are most attractive between those ages.
              4.   Edlund seems to be puzzled that: “married men also consult prostitutes” even though it would be cheaper to consult their wives, and writes about the difference between sex with a prostitute and sex with a wife, as if they are monolithic categories, in which all members within each category offer the exact same good. Why doesn’t she consider that prostitutes may be selling unique goods that are not simply “sex” (eg emotional connection, special personal qualities, deviant sexual services) that are unique to that prostitute and that the wife can not offer? She treats all prostitutes as objects, goods that are interchangeable one for another, and empirically, this may be true for a great percentage of business. However, for many “regular” clients, (which comprise of most of the business in New York City – most clients are not new clients, in any business you ask), what the prostitute offers is something unique, something human and personal. Why does Lena Edlund not consider the Hochschild idea of “emotional labor” that is serviced by the prostitute, which is separate from the body as object? Why is it inconceivable that the prostitute is being compensated for this emotional labor, which is more intimate, more highly valued, and more costly/difficult to acquire in a normal relationship for some clients, than most other services provided by unskilled workers (nanny, housekeeping, construction), thus justifying the wage differentials? On a personal note, I want to comment about mirror neurons: clients usually come to sex workers with many personal issues, and compassion is very very painful, but that is how long-term relationships with “regulars” are built. Prostitutes are the world’s first psychotherapists. Though for many clients, sex with any prostitute is exchangeable, I would argue that the norm among regular johns, which are the majority of users of commercial sex purchases in the world, there is an attachment built between a client and a specific sex worker, in which something greater than the physical body object is purchased and consumed, and it is objectifying to disregard this emotional qualia/emotional labor.
               5.   Interesting point by Edlund: fecundity is attractiveness. Sex with an old woman is inferior to sex with a young woman because older women are not fecund, and do not appear as attractive. She argues that the same is not true for men because they remain fecund for a longer time, and will continue desiring to have sex mostly with fecund partners. Therefore there is a scarcity of young woman which creates value. She also states strangely that if old men could remarry young women after the wife’s fecundity runs out, they would naturally choose to do so. I guess historically this is true, as can be seen in many polygamous societies. Is this an implicit argument against monogamy (as social construction not biological inclination)? Edlund is essentially justifying men’s greater/longer libido (although this is not a proven fact; actually, some studies say women’s libido increase after their 30’s), and using this supposed fecundity/libido argument to explain the disparity between socially-constructed sexual/chastity norms between men and women. Historically, men have been allowed to sleep around more readily than women have been, and I think this is due to the issue of questionable childbirth, and the fact that it is in men’s best interest to impregnate as many women as possible, not due to the fact that they are more libidinous than women and “attractive” for a greater portion of their lives.
              6.    Edlund writes about low-skilled women from poor backgrounds who go into prostitution: “a low-skilled woman who plans to remain so does not give up much in terms of training possibilities and hence future career options by a stint in prostitution.” The assumption is that when she is tired of sex work, she can go into another low-skill job such as nannying, which she would have done anyway had she not gone into prostitution, therefore there has been little lost in opportunity cost. However, this is not really true, since prostitutes could be working towards training in other professions with their time; easy money is a disincentive to acquiring more permanent skills. On the other hand, the money gained from prostitution can be reinvested into education or a business, thereby transforming erotic capital into human capital and/or economic capital.
             7.    For the model Edlund assumes: “The child is a public good to both parents if only they are married; otherwise, only the mother derives utility form the child. Moreover, we assume that children are costless, everybody supplies one unit of labor [men and women].” All these assumptions are questionable or false. Children are not merely “utilities,” they are also very costly liabilities, and I do believe men consult prostitutes to AVOID the “utility” of children; also, men and women do not often supply one equal unit of labor in child-rearing.
            8.    Is commercial sex a normal or luxury good? Edlund assumes it is normal, and so uses an elastic demand curve, however, prostitutes come of many different classes, with prices ranging from $20 to $20,000 a “session,” some remaining un-impacted by recession (because their clients are have high net worth) – I don’t think these types of prostitutes who work in such different conditions as to be significantly different business altogether can be classified monolithically in one curve. The economics of prostitution on the high end and the low end are very different. On the high end, the worker sets her own prices, and the less she works, the more she gets paid per transaction. On the low end, prices are set by the market or an overseer, and much more work needs to be done in order to make far less profit (or no profit, in the case of debt slavery and other forms of sex slavery.)
———
       I apologize for the lengthiness of this email and hope that you might find a moment to read it some time. I am very interested in writing letters to Dr. Hakim and Dr. Edlund about their papers, and implore your help. Would you be free at any point to meet up?
Warmest Regards,
Kate